Fair, not fair or fake: the aftermath of the CRTC ruling on video streamer CanCon

June 26, 2024

The CRTC’s June 4th “Phase One” ruling on streamer cash contributions to Canadian media funds says a lot of things, alas most of them drowned out by Netflix and the other video streamers’ protests about how unfair the $150 million levy on their Canadian broadcasting revenues is to them.

In the aftermath of the ruling, the Commission has quietly accepted lawyer submissions from all and sundry on the best legal drafting to cover off the general principles it articulated on June 4th.

Some of the issues are dry indeed, for example the exact payment schedule for the $150 million. The streamers want to delay their first contributions to media funds until November 2025, after the federal election, or even put them off further until the Commission confirms the definition of Canadian content.

Canadian broadcasters, guilds and the Friends of Canadian Media are advocating immediate monthly payments to the Canada Media Fund, Indigenous Screen Office, Black Screen Office and the Independent Local News Fund beginning September 2024. The dire financial state of Global News, now eligible for the Local News Fund, may compel the Commission to go with immediate payments.

Another issue is the technical argument made by the US Digital Media Association, Amazon, Spotify and Rogers that the Commission’s Phase One regulatory policy can only come into force following a formal and lengthy Canada Gazette public consultation, something the Commission did not do.

From a policy perspective, the stickiest issue the CRTC might consider in the next few weeks concerns the option it conferred upon the video streamers to claw back 1.5% of their 2% contributions to the Canada Media Fund (CMF). The CMF sponsors original Canadian drama, documentaries, children’s programming and variety & performing arts shows. The claw back is worth $45 million less in streamer cash contributions to the CMF which would otherwise be $60 million.

As it stands, the Commission gave the streamers’ the option to keep most of their CMF contributions if instead they “make and acquire” their own “certified Canadian content” with the money. On its face, this allows the streamers to “acquire” Canadian content by writing a cheque for re-runs of old Canadian shows, in any genre, and then bury them in their platform libraries. 

The creator groups are alarmed by this. They make the case that this cannot possibly be the Commission’s intention if the $45 million rebate represents just a different tool for the streamers to achieve the same programming goals that the CMF supports.

The CMF only finances original, first-release programming in Canadian genres that need the subsidy (certainly not sitcom re-runs, sports or reality shows) and are produced by independent Canadian producers who must hire a “10/10” headcount of Canadian writers, actors, directors and so on.

As the Writers Guild put it:

 “In this case, the Commission has proposed an “alternative” or “incentive” which does just that, resulting in vastly different outcomes depending on the alternative chosen. In the case of the CMF, funding goes to the production of new, original content, and does not result in the acquisition of preexisting “library” content that was produced some time ago. The Commission itself states above that the purpose of the incentive is, “To provide flexibility and to encourage online undertakings to produce Canadian content”. This objective is not advanced through the acquisition of “library”content.”

The MediaPolicy view: assuming the Commission is not in the business of devising fake regulatory requirements for the streamers, it may have genuinely screwed up by failing to specify that “original” programming is mandatory and may fix this in the final orders.

On the other hand it’s up for grabs as to what the Commissioners meant when they referred to “certified Canadian content.” That could mean either “CRTC certification” or the higher certification standards observed by the media fund for which the contributions are primarily intended, the CMF.

There’s a big difference.

Unlike the more demanding CMF rules that trigger additional subsidies to independent Canadian producers, the CRTC has historically been relaxed about certifying Canadian programs because in almost all cases Canadian producers have already met the higher CMF requirements before asking the CRTC to certify the same show for clearance to broadcast as Canadian content.

That may be why the CRTC has never bothered with more than “6/10” points; has not restricted spending genres (other than sports); and has never adopted the CMF rule that an independent Canadian producer retain 25-year ownership of the show’s intellectual property because, until now, it didn’t care if the long term profits of a hit show resided with a Canadian broadcaster or a Canadian producer. Now the Commission is regulating global streamers who book their profits outside of Canada, so circumstances are different.

Perhaps the Commission is being overly clever: it may be gifting the US streamers a regulatory break on this small sliver (1.5%) of Canadian content expenditures as a test of their good faith promises to make good Canadian shows with less of what the streamers regard as red tape. A pilot project, in effect.

Whether any of this is fair, not fair or fake, we won’t know until we get to the end of the Commission’s lengthy regulatory roadmap some time in 2026. That’s because the Commission’s heavy lifting is still to come. In the next two years the Commission is presumably going to order the streamers to dedicate a further, significant portion of their annual revenues to making Canadian shows, benchmarked against Canadian broadcasters spending an average of 29% of their revenues. The Commission also expects the streamers to make real efforts to give prominence to Canadian shows on their platforms as Canadian broadcasters do.

***

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Polled support for Internet regulation holding strong

Cover page from recent Léger poll

June 24 2024

The contrarian in me loves writing headlines like this.

It’s certainly not the headline the National Post chose to characterize the responses to a recent poll question. The Post headline was “Majority of millennials, Gen Z don’t support Trudeau’s internet regulation plans: poll”

The Post’s chief Parliamentary correspondent Stuart Thomson probably didn’t write that headline to his story, but it captures the gist of his coverage of the recent Léger-National Post survey on a raft of policy issues, of which one question was directed at the Liberal government’s policy of Internet regulation:

Note the last in a series of edgy questions: Do you support the government’s new rules to regulate the web, podcasts, streaming and social media to restrict offensive speech and online harms? (It’s not clear if the question refers solely to the Online Harms Act Bill C-63 (“restricting offensive speech and online harms”) or to the Online Streaming Act Bill C-11 as well).

The poll doesn’t give us responses of all age groups, only the 18 to 35 Millenial/Generation Z cohort. The result is 44 per cent in favour, less than a majority. In an additional chart, the poll breaks out the shades of opinion as 14% strongly support plus 30% “somewhat agree” for a combined 44%. There are 16% who registered a “don’t know.” Going the other way, there is a combined opposition of 19% (strongly disagree) and 20% (somewhat disagree) for a final figure of 39% not in favour.

Accordingly, the straw poll for “support” of Trudeau’s policies is a thumbs up, for what that’s worth. On the other hand Mr.Thomson describes the result as follows: “The majority either disagree with the policies (39 per cent) or don’t know (16 per cent).” I can’t find an emoji that does justice to that observation.

Nevertheless the Léger survey is consistent with polling conducted by Nanos Research in April. That survey had more questions and plumbed the public mood more deeply, as difficult as that is when asking the public about three distinct and complex Parliamentary bills.

The Nanos poll clearly asks about the full suite of three Internet bills, including the Online News Act C-18. It also found that the 18 to 35 cohort (41%) lagged behind the multi-generational results (56%) in supporting the Liberals’ overall regulation program. It identified a similar generation gap in terms of “trusting the government to protect freedom of expression in its Online Harms Act.”

An interesting finding was that the Millenial/Zeders trailed public support for specific regulatory powers to curb online harms but nonetheless demonstrated a high degree of support for take-down orders against hate content (78%), age verification for accessing porn (66%), and increased jail time for advocating genocide (59%).

The clear majority of public support (everywhere except the Prairie provinces) for the Liberal bills runs back many years through several polls, a point I make in my book Canada vs California: How Ottawa took on Netflix and the streaming giants.

One last comment: the National Post story says this:

The government has unleashed a batch of legislation designed to tighten the reins on the internet, including an online harms bill that attempts to restrict offensive or hateful speech and a bill that would bring online streaming services under the umbrella of the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC), which is imposing quotas for online Canadian content.

That last statement about quotas is incorrect and not a matter of opinion. The CRTC has done no such thing and in fact it has signalled it won’t.

But it’s a debate worth having.

***

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Catching up on MediaPolicy.ca – News numbers from Reuters – tempest over Google cash calmed

Unifor National President (left, of course) weighed in on the Google cash controversy

June 22, 2024

It’s never a happy occasion but this week the UK-based annual Reuters Digital News Report was published with both global and Canadian numbers.

Our posts (linked above) are intended to summarize just a few of the reports’ many insights, although I neglected to praise Colette Brin and her colleagues at Laval for their great work on the Canadian drill-down.

***

Last weekend I reported on the controversy of Google picking the darling of the alternative press, the Canadian Journalism Collective (CJC), over the establishment coalition Online News Media Collective (ONMC), to be the bargaining agent in distributing the Google $100 million of compensation payments for Canadian news content hyperlinked on its search engine. The term “bargaining agent” might be a misnomer: the regulations to the Online News Act already distribute the compensation based on a headcount of employed journalists.

The controversy was not just that the CJC was created by publishers representing perhaps one per cent of Canadian journalists and news content. Rather it was the surfacing of the mistrust and mutual enmity between Google, mainstream media and the alternative press over the entire legislative process that drove the enactment of Bill C-18 in the first place.

It’s difficult to see Google’s choice (extracted from the federal government) of the unrepresentative CJC as anything but spite for the ONMC’s members having demanded the compensation provided in the bill over Google’s objections.

Some wouldn’t speculate, but I will: whether Google’s strategy of making Canadian newsrooms crawl over broken glass to get their fair due from the Search monopolist is part of its plan to discourage legislators in California and US Congress.

As posted last week in MediaPolicy, the ONMC certainly came out firing after Google handed the CJC board the keys, demanding tight CRTC supervision of the cash distribution. Opinion columns appeared in the National Post and La Presse questioning the representativeness of the CJC.

On Wednesday, Unifor National President Lana Payne was quoted in a Toronto Star news story questioning the business relationships linking a number of CJC board members as a conflict of interest. Payne’s union represents several thousand journalists and media staff.

By Friday, the CJC had posted a “FAQ” in which it described the membership of its board as temporary and promised a permanent elected governance structure that will be inclusive of mainstream media outlets. It also promised to “work closely” with the CRTC “to ensure compliance with the funding formula prescribed in the Act and regulations.”

Tempest calmed, at least for now.

***

Last week MediaPolicy posted on the misery of Corus Entertainment and its Global News chain. Just to prove that June is the month from hell for the Canadian broadcaster, the company announced the retirement —“effective immediately”— of long time CEO Doug Murphy.

***

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The Reuters Digital News Report: a Canadian drill-down

Chart from the News Poverty Map, TMU

June 19, 2024

I have another post today on this week’s release of the annual Reuters Global Digital News Report. This time, it’s on the Canadian report.

My agenda: I am looking for insights on the prospects for a Canadian democracy populated by citizens that are reasonably well informed by reliable news journalism.

Here are some key observations in the Report:

  1. We are still a nation of news followers.

This is definitely the good news!

The general population (73%) consume news on a daily basis. Another 20% are more casual, non-daily news consumers. An impressive 49% are avid news followers (checking news multiple times per day). Only 7% are dyed-in-the-wool news avoiders. Alas, you can see from the chart below that the numbers are slipping over time.

2. Our contentment with news journalism is fraying.

Of course, that could also be a good thing, from a contrarian point of view.

The standard “trust in news” question is whether a respondent believes available news sources are trustworthy, most of the time. The numbers slipped badly in the last 10 years around the world. In the last year, the Canadian number went down only a point (margin of error?). Canadian popular trust in news is close to the global median and considerably higher than obvious comparators, the US and France.

An insight in this Report is that our trust in our own choices of news journalism rides 10 points higher than our trust in the news that others consume. That could reflect fears of disinformation but also intolerance of different points of view in an expanding news universe.

The Report contains apparently contradictory data on rising news interest and rising news avoidance. As context for those numbers, news fatigue (feeling “worn out” by current affairs) is up over the last five years by a considerable margin. Possibly, the avid news followers are becoming more avid, casual news followers (and avoiders) are becoming more avoidant. Again, these are consistent with global trends. In-depth research might clarify.

3. No, I won’t pay for news.

The Canadian drill-down data is even more discouraging than the global numbers of news consumers demonstrating their interest in news by paying for it, meanwhile shoring up the declining monetization of journalism by reliable news organizations.

It’s not just that the Canadian figure for news payers is only 15% of the population. It’s the breakdown of that number.

Fully half of “payors” for online news don’t shell out for a regular news subscription.

And these numbers above don’t even take into account heavy discounting of regular subscriptions (For example, I pay $50 for a full year of the Toronto Star and another $50 for the Washington Post. I pay the full shot for the Globe and Mail).

To be even more morose, the non-payor expectations of an affordable monthly news subscription is highly price elastic. In other words, we’re cheap:

4. Television news, a major host of reliable journalism, is still king and queen.

After viewing all of the short and long term data about the public appetite for news subscriptions, it’s clear that the answer to “what is to be done?” must focus on free, bundled, tax deductible, government subsidized, donor supported, billionaire-patronized, and/or public broadcasting journalism.

The popular bundled product —news provided as part of a multi-interest media source– is still television. There are after all nine million cable TV households among 15 million Canadian homes. You can say that nine million is declining (it is), that it’s reaching a tipping point with online news (it is), and that it’s generational (it is), but the enormous cohort of television-first Canadians has a lot of years left, or so I would like to think.

5. Social media gateways to news and the Meta blackout

For this post, let’s take a pass on the argument over the Online News Act and the backfire effect of the Meta news blackout. My own views are here.

The decline of Facebook as a news source, or as a gateway to journalism websites, is a global and long-term trend. That’s by deliberate design and consumer behaviour (especially youth), as we know.

YouTube is taking up the slack, as the Report notes. Instagram is up too. The Facebook numbers in Canada went down dramatically (surely accelerated by the blackout) but as the Report notes: “It is important to note that [consumer] workarounds exist (such as modified hyperlinks and screenshots) and that some accounts of individual journalists or accounts with specialized content (sports channel publications, cultural magazines, etc.) are still accessible on Instagram or Facebook.”

As for the impact on news organizations relying upon Facebook as a distributor, it wasn’t the task of this Report to quantify the impact of the blackout. There are many plausible claims made about closures, decline of start-ups, or loss of traffic. But there is no systematic survey (and sadly given the confidentiality of the figures, probably never will be).

Here’s the full report:

***

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Insights from the 2024 Reuters Digital News Report

June 17 2024

Every year around this time the folks behind the Reuters Institute Digital News Report publish their report on the state of news journalism in 47 countries around the world and in so doing, remind us of the indispensability of expert observations. 

Unfortunately their observations are usually bad news or at least deeply worrisome. This year there are four big ones:

The public’s news exhaustion and avoidance continues to rise.

News consumers increasingly seek out news through digital “gateways,” meaning online platforms that aggregate news links without paying compensation. Meanwhile, news consumers decreasingly seek out news organizations’ websites and apps directly. That’s bad for the financial viability of news publishers and broadcasters. 

News providers are increasingly less likely to be journalists or newsrooms. There is a very significant growth of non-professional “influencers,” especially reaching the younger generation. 

News subscriptions remain stubbornly low —and appear to be levelling off— at the rate (in Canada) of 15% of the public.

And we haven’t even got to anxiety-inducing AI and its potential impact on reporting facts.

On the other hand, there is some less than awful news. The trust-in-journalism meter may be levelling off (or slowing considerably) after several years of nihilistic vilification of professional journalism.

The Report does a great job analyzing all of these trends: you can access the global report here and the Canadian segment here:

Once you start reading the reports you’ll find a collection of gems.

The global report tracks the wide discrepancies between nations on issues of trust in news organizations, rate of news subscriptions, consumer preference for news websites instead of gateways, and so on. You can only walk away from reading the report acknowledging that the most powerful influences on the financial health of any nation’s news journalism have nothing to do with the quality of journalism.

Like, is the language of news English or not (as US online sources and the freely available BBC News are in English)?

How much news content is available free from public broadcasters?

What is the ingrained political culture as it affects the willingness (or not) of the governments to support media through subsidies or regulation?

How politically polarized (or not) is the population?

On the other hand, some of the Report’s analysis provides some optimism that news organizations can do things right, or better, to shape their own destinies.

For example, the Report polled on public trust in news organizations. The results are intriguing: 

Thankfully the public puts a premium on transparency, lack of perceived bias and high journalistic standards. But as you can see, the public also puts a premium on “representing people like me fairly” and having “similar values to me.”

You see the contradiction and the corresponding challenge to journalism.

Nevertheless another of the Report’s measurement of reader satisfaction gives news organizations something they can use:

The Report even identifies the opportunity for improved reader satisfaction, measured by the difference between the importance of the consumer need and performance of the newsroom:

There is no shortage of these insights and perhaps later this week I’ll post about more of them.

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Catching up on MediaPolicy -The Netflix Tax – The News Tax – The Google Tax

Friends of Canadian Media graphic

June 15, 2024

Yesterday MediaPolicy claimed the distinction of being the last member of the broadcasting commentariat to weigh in the CRTC’s first big decision on implementing the Online Streaming Act, Bill C-11.

Golly, it’s a Netflix tax” is a lengthy 7 minute read, but I haven’t seen anyone else make some of my points, so perhaps you will find it helpful.

One of the issues I didn’t address in the post, out of a concern for brevity, was my obsession with the fate of local television news in this most recent Commission ruling.

Let me bore you for a moment.

Once upon a time (2006-09) the CRTC under its chair Konrad von Finckenstein devoted a lot of energy to finding a stable subsidy solution for local TV news. The fragmentation of the advertising market was well underway, and the future of ad-supported local stations was not bright. That may sound familiar.

The Commission tried a two-pronged strategy. But the plan floundered on both counts when the Supreme Court ruled that the CRTC was without jurisdiction to order cable companies to directly compensate local broadcasters for grabbing signals off of their radio towers. Then in 2012 a new CRTC chair who hailed from the cable industry cancelled the Commission’s alternate plan (an annual $100 million tithing of cable companies to make payments to a local programming fund that all Canadian local stations could access). 

Along came yet another CRTC Chair, Jean Pierre Blais, who in 2017 set up a smaller news fund at $21 million that was (and is) restricted to about a dozen independently owned local television stations in small and mid sized local markets (some of whom have content deals with major networks such as CTV, City-TV and TVA). 

Since then, the CRTC’s Independent Local News Fund (ILNF) has seen its cash pool shrink every year because the funding formula is tied to 0.3% of in-decline cable TV revenues. As of a year ago, it was down to $18 million annually and suddenly found itself beseeched by another 15 applicants from Global News stations. That new problem was created by the Shaw family cutting its news network loose in the 2022 Rogers-Shaw merger which automatically deprived Global of $13 million annually in special news funding from Shaw Cable, now owned by Rogers. 

The CRTC dithered about this for the last two years, promising to do something about a situation in which Global lost 10% of its journalism budget, the pool of televisions stations eligible for the shrinking ILNF doubled, and Rogers enjoys a windfall of $13 million to spend on its City-TV network. 

The solution? Foreign video streamers are going to join Canadian cable companies (of which Rogers is by far the biggest) in funding the ILNF with a contribution that looks to be about $45 million of the $150 million that video streamers are going to be paying now to Canadian media funds.

That’s a heck of a cash injection for local news. 

Is there joy in Mudville? Maybe, maybe not.

What was, for a moment, good news for Global stations was tempered by the bad news for its parent company, Corus Entertainment. That’s because Rogers Sports & Media just outbid Corus for a big chunk of its American programming and content branding from Warner Brothers Discovery. 

Bay Street analysts were grim in their dire projections for Corus. Media blogger Fagstein described it as Rogers “kneecapping” Corus and “stealing their content.” Somewhere, Brad Shaw was clipping his coupons.

Then days later the Corus-owned Global laid off 35 television employees, mostly in Alberta and Toronto. 

***

There is a very weird thing unfolding in the implementation of the Online News Act, Bill C-18.

In December, Heritage Minister Pascale St.-Onge made peace with Google in a deal that committed the Big Tech giant to funding Canadian journalism to the tune of $100 million per year. 

Part of that deal was to put Google in the driver’s seat on distributing the cash, giving the company the power to choose an umbrella bargaining agent for hundreds of Canadian news organizations. The government’s main condition was that the Google cash had to be allocated equally on a headcount of employed journalists in all eligible news organizations. 

At the time, it wasn’t hard to predict that news organizations might try to game the distribution with inflated headcounts. 

Two journalism consortiums offered themselves up to Google as a bargaining representative.

The first was the Online News Media Collective, a coalition of the Canadian Association of Broadcasters, the CBC, the print-based News Media Canada, and a number of smaller news organizations (some of whom also belong to News Media Canada). That’s an alliance representing 99% of Canadian journalists and journalism content.

The other bidder to distribute Google’s cash might be called the Indiegraf-Village Media consortium, but it’s going by the name of the Canadian Journalism Collective. Its board is chaired by Erin Millar, the publisher of The Discourse and lead player in the start-up platform Indiegraf. Several of the CJ Collective’s board members use Indiegraf, a news platform and publishing system that got some of its seed capital from Google (give them credit, a good deed). 

The other main CJ Collective player and board member is Jeff Elgie of Village Media, the most successful digital news chain in the country and an opponent of Bill C-18. The CJ Collective has its admirers, including Michael Geist.

It was a mild shock when Google picked the indie CJ Collective over the mainstream Online News Media Collective, given the 1% versus 99% numbers. The Google press release didn’t give away a lot when explaining why. It certainly looked from afar like there could be some politics involved. 

Both umbrella groups are stuck in an unavoidable conflict of interest where, in theory, they become a gatekeeper of distributing funds (which are supposed to be equally allocated) of which their own member news organizations stand to benefit. 

In addition, it turns out that many of the participants in the indie Collective were approached by Google back in 2022 and offered funding to lobby against Bill C-18 (they considered and then rejected it). Google did the same thing in fighting Bill C-11: YouTube funded the upstart lobby group Digital First Canada, landing its unwitting spokesperson in hot water over the issue of lobby registration.

All of this is so much mudwrestling and of limited policy significance, except that everyone involved is brimming with suspicion that the other guy is going to cheat and game the distribution of Google cash with some creative representations of “employed journalist.”

This ought not to be a real threat to the integrity of the payment scheme if the CRTC makes it known that it will supervise and even audit the distribution of Google cash. At least hypothetically, it’s possible that some news organizations are going to shoehorn non-payroll editorial expenses or others might misrepresent freelance stringers and the occasional columnist as “employees.” Geist points out some other things that could go awry.

That’s probably why News Media Canada and some of the other members of the Online News Media Collective issued a press release calling on the CRTC to get involved.

There’s also some blogosphere speculation about whether the unsuccessful mainstream media alliance is expressing sour grapes because it overbid on the administrative expenses it would have charged for negotiating the Google cash distribution.

I have a feeling the mudwrestling isn’t over. 

***

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Golly, it’s a Netflix tax

June 14, 2024

Last week the CRTC released its anticipated “Phase One” ruling on the implementation of the Online Streaming Act, Bill C-11. The headline was the $200 million price tag put on Canadian content contributions assessed by the commission on large foreign online audio and audio-visual streamers operating in Canada.

Following the commission’s decision, many industry players and public policy commentators were quick to declare victory or disaster, something we can expect in a regulatory drama that never quits.

Continue reading at Cartt.ca

This weekend’s blog, again. Blame Microsoft.

As of today, MediaPolicy.ca merges its two e-mail distribution lists.

You received this update through the WordPress publishing software that I use for MediaPolicy.ca. It automatically sends you a new blog as it is posted.

The other distribution list, a group e-mail (blind copied) from howard.law@bell.net is discontinued. For some unfathomable reason, known only to some very patient Microsoft software engineers, group e-mails sent on the Outlook program can corrupt MS 365 and require re-installation.

A reminder: the WordPress software makes it easy to unsubscribe. Nobody needs inbox clutter.

Many of you reading this update did not receive this weekend’s post, owing to the failure of my e-mail program. Here it is:

Catching Up on MediaPolicy – Streamers will pay 5% – Paywalls falling? – Arts sector in trouble

The highlight of the week in Canadian media has to be the CRTC’s release of its Phase One ruling on implementing the Online Streaming Act, Bill C-11.

News reports describe how beginning in September video and music streaming platforms must contribute five per cent of their annual Canadian revenues to various media funds that subsidize Canadian news and entertainment programming. With the details, here are reports from the Globe and MailCBC and Radio-Canada.

As to the wisdom of the Commission’s ruling, try Peter Menzies (critical) or Barry Hertz (supportive).

For my own comments, I am still working on that and hope to have something in a few days.

***

Copyright law is everyone’s bedtime tea, yes? 

For the last decade, the federal statute regulating the ability of content creators to monetize their own work, including news reporting, can’t seem to escape the gravitational pull of the “user rights” singularity. That refers to the judicially expanded rights of other people to consume content without paying for it.

Simple, it is not. The legal test drawing the line between ripping off creators by not paying or, on the other hand, using the copyrighted material for a limited non-commercial purpose is one of those “multi factor” things that turns the policing of content piracy into an unpredictable contest of competing claims.

There is a story to be told at greater length about how Blacklock’s Reporter, the uber-watchdog of the federal government, has now lost two Federal Court decisions in an effort to enforce its paywall subscription model without which it cannot remain in business. 

Unlike some streaming services or news websites we could name, Blacklock’s does not wink at sharing content or passwords.

In 2016 Blacklock‘s lost a case of copyright violation at the Federal Court. The news site had filed suit against the federal government when Finance Canada officials  circulated news stories among themselves that the Department received from a Blacklock’s subscriber:  despite that private subscriber buying only an individual subscription and clicking the standard “browser wrap” consent to terms and conditions of purchase which prohibited sharing.

At the time, user rights advocate Michael Geist celebrated a victory for “the right to read,” while the country’s foremost copyright lawyer Barry Sookman said the court got it wrong on copyright violation. 

There was a round two in the fight between Blacklock‘s and the feds, this time on the issue of whether sharing a password without permission violated rules on technological protection measures. TPMs include software locks and passwords.

No matter, last week the feds won again: password sharing is fine if the non-paying customer successfully claims “user rights.” Professor Geist celebrated again. And we are waiting for Barry Sookman to weigh in.

The implications for not only the Canadian news industry, but also any subscription-based streaming services, should be obvious.

Blacklockpublisher Holly Doan has not decided yet on an appeal, telling me “the ruling has huge implications for large password-using corporations and Canada’s agreements with the U.S. and Mexico on TPMs. No small business should be expected to litigate the meaning of the word “password” in 2024.”

Users rights” are a strange beast.

The right or privilege to quote from copyrighted content, even at great length, seems a reasonable concession to the public interest and at least arguably sends more buyers to creators.

But the Federal Court’s endorsement of the right to reproduce or share without payment or permission the entire piece for the self-declared purpose of “research” or “education” is difficult to understand. After all, what is the difference between breaking a news paywall —-oh sorry, accepting a shared password—— to satisfy your curiosity about current events and claiming to do so legally “for research purposes?”

***

Josh O’Kane has written a feature in the Globe and Mail on the alarming state of finances in Canada’s arts sector (visual arts, books, music, theatre, dance and other live performances).

The confluence of inflation (hitting venue rents and ticket purchases), shrinking philanthropic donations and flat-lined government subsidies are hitting a cultural sector that already seems to live hand to mouth.

The biggest (and flat-lined) funder is the federal Canada Council of the Arts ($365 million in annual funding). Provincial governments modestly or generously top that up (Alberta at $30 million, Ontario at $60 million and Québec at $150 million).

The high visibility Canada Council may be set to become a political football yet again. Its funding was cut by Harper Conservatives, restored by the incoming Trudeau Liberals, and may soon fall under the beady eye of a Poilievre government’s finance minister.

Book publisher Ken Whyte has written a scorching review of the Council, suggesting its policy goals (by which I think he means priority funding for Indigenous, official minority language groups, and equity-searching communities) contribute to “a gulf between the Canada Council and the Conservative Party of Canada [that] is vast and unbridgeable.”

Catching Up on MediaPolicy – Streamers will pay 5% – Paywalls falling? – Arts sector in trouble

June 8, 2024

The highlight of the week in Canadian media has to be the CRTC’s release of its Phase One ruling on implementing the Online Streaming Act, Bill C-11.

News reports describe how beginning in September video and music streaming platforms must contribute five per cent of their annual Canadian revenues to various media funds that subsidize Canadian news and entertainment programming. With the details, here are reports from the Globe and Mail, CBC and Radio-Canada.

As to the wisdom of the Commission’s ruling, try Peter Menzies (critical) or Barry Hertz (supportive).

For my own comments, I am still working on that and hope to have something in a few days.

***

Copyright law is everyone’s bedtime tea, yes?

For the last decade, the federal statute regulating the ability of content creators to monetize their own work, including news reporting, can’t seem to escape the gravitational pull of the “user rights” singularity. That refers to the judicially expanded rights of other people to consume content without paying for it.

Simple, it is not. The legal test drawing the line between ripping off creators by not paying or, on the other hand, using the copyrighted material for a limited non-commercial purpose is one of those “multi factor” things that turns the policing of content piracy into an unpredictable contest of competing claims.

There is a story to be told at greater length about how Blacklock’s Reporter, the uber-watchdog of the federal government, has now lost two Federal Court decisions in an effort to enforce its paywall subscription model without which it cannot remain in business.

Unlike some streaming services or news websites we could name, Blacklock’s does not wink at sharing content or passwords.

In 2016 Blacklock‘s lost a case of copyright violation at the Federal Court. The news site had filed suit against the federal government when Finance Canada officials circulated news stories among themselves that the department received from a Blacklock’s subscriber: despite that private subscriber buying only a single subscription and clicking the standard “browser wrap” consent to terms and conditions of purchase which prohibited sharing.

At the time, user rights advocate Michael Geist celebrated a victory for “the right to read,” while the country’s foremost copyright lawyer Barry Sookman said the court got it wrong on copyright violation.

There was a round two in the fight between Blacklock‘s and the feds, this time on the issue of whether a Parks Canada official sharing a password without permission violated rules on technological protection measures. TPMs include software locks and passwords.

No matter, last week the feds won again: password sharing is fine if the non-paying customer successfully claims “user rights.” Professor Geist celebrated again. And we are waiting for Barry Sookman to weigh in.

The implications for not only the Canadian news industry, but also any subscription-based streaming services, should be obvious.

Blacklocks publisher Holly Doan has not decided yet on an appeal, telling me “the ruling has huge implications for large password-using corporations and Canada’s agreements with the U.S. and Mexico on TPMs. No small business should be expected to litigate the meaning of the word “password” in 2024.”

Users rights” are a strange beast.

The right or privilege to quote from copyrighted content, even at great length, seems a reasonable concession to the public interest and at least arguably sends more buyers to creators.

But the Federal Court’s endorsement of the right to reproduce or share without payment or permission the entire piece for the self-declared purpose of “research” or “education” is difficult to understand. After all, what is the difference between breaking a news paywall —-oh sorry, accepting a shared password—— to satisfy your curiosity about current events and claiming to do so legally “for research purposes?”

An earlier version of this post inaccurately identified Parks Canada as the respondent in the 2016 case.

***

Josh O’Kane has written a feature in the Globe and Mail on the alarming state of finances in Canada’s arts sector (visual arts, books, music, theatre, dance and other live performances).

The confluence of inflation (affecting venue rents and ticket purchases), shrinking philanthropic donations and flat-lined government subsidies are hitting a cultural sector that already seems to live hand to mouth.

The biggest (and flat-lined) funder is the federal Canada Council of the Arts ($365 million in annual funding). Provincial governments modestly or generously top that up (Alberta at $30 million, Ontario at $60 million and Québec at $150 million).

The high visibility Canada Council may be set to become a political football yet again. Its funding was cut by Harper Conservatives, restored by the incoming Trudeau Liberals, and may soon fall under the beady eye of a Poilievre government’s finance minister.

Book publisher Ken Whyte has written a scorching review of the Council, suggesting its policy goals (by which I think he means priority funding for Indigenous, official minority language groups, and equity-searching communities) contribute to “a gulf between the Canada Council and the Conservative Party of Canada [that] is vast and unbridgeable.”

***

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Catching Up on MediaPolicy – AI and Canadian culture – Et tu, Bryan Adams – How to pitch Canada on Hollywood

June 2, 2024

Earlier this week I posted a report on the opening day of a conference convened in Québec City by the Canadian chapter of the Coalition for the Diversity of Cultural Expression (CDCE), sponsored by the federal and provincial governments.

The Coalition is an unapologetic and energetic advocate of regulating media content to promote Canadian content domestically, but also in exchange with other like-minded countries around the world that put a high value on cultural diversity and sovereignty.

In the last few years, especially throughout the Parliamentary journey of the Online Streaming Act, the Coalition prioritized the importance of regulating platform algorithms to give greater exposure to French language music which, its fair to say, is not offered up to French speaking audiences in anywhere near the volume that radio promotes those songs.

But the Coalition also takes the long view and is the only Canadian cultural organization raising questions about the impact of AI on culture and media. The final recommendations emerging from the CDCE’s conference are captured in the photo at the beginning of this post. The recommendations not only deal with AI’s current threats to culture (for example, copyright and the interests of content creators), but focus on the public getting a look inside the Big Tech black box that holds the secret to what AI will do next.

Not so long ago the Internet took centre stage in our lives as a good thing, until we discovered that sometimes it could also be a bad thing. AI, just so, except it’s obvious right from the beginning. On that note I recommend a terrific feature piece by Navneet Alang in The Walrus.

***

Canadian rocker Bryan Adams is back, letting off steam again about CRTC regulation of Canadian content.

Adams just posted a one-minute video calling out “hey, Justin Trudeau” and weighing in on the up-for-grabs regulatory rule defining a Canadian song. That legal definition drives the key regulatory rules that increase exposure of Canadian music on radio and satellite. The Heritage Minister posted a gentle response, mindful that famous Canadian artists who publicly rebuke Canadian politicians will usually get the last word in any debate that turns nasty. The Globe & Mail‘s report is here.

Adams’ complaint is a do-over of his last, successful, political campaign against the CRTC rule that impacts how much collaboration and credit-sharing with foreign artists is allowed when Canadian artists get the benefit of the added exposure for “Canadian” songs.

In 1992 Adams was outspoken about a CRTC rule that gave Canadian credit for songs in which the music was written entirely by a Canadian, or the lyrics were written entirely by a Canadian, but not where music or lyrics were co-written by a Canadian and a foreign artist. His protest worked. The CRTC changed the rule: co-writing with non-Canadians no longer disqualifies a song.

But for Adams, it isn’t just about fixing a “bad” rule. It’s about any rule: he famously pronounced “the Canadian government should just take a step out of the music business entirely.” Another candid comment from the global superstar: “I never thought much about CanCon anyway. I always thought that it did nothing but breed mediocrity.”

Nice.

The CRTC is already thinking about watering down its “M.A.P.L.” definition of a Canadian song, which currently requires a song meet at least two out of four criteria: a Canadian performing artist (A), a Canadian music composer (M); a Canadian lyricist (L); and recorded in Canada (P). The Commission issued a ruling in December 2022 suggesting it might drop (P) and rejig the regulatory test as a two-out-of-three exercise with the remaining criteria for Canadian performers and songwriters.

The Commission then put the MA(P)L definition of a Canadian song on pause, to be resumed when the Commission re-engages the issue of “CanCon” as part of its implementation of the Online Streaming Act (although the definition of a song will be overshadowed by the debate over audio visual CanCon).

The music industry –the streamers and the labels– no doubt wish to further water down the definition of a Canadian song, part of an overall strategy of minimizing regulatory obligations to promote Canadian music on their platforms.

Here’s a bit of political irony for Adams. Justin Trudeau already weighed in on the MAPL issue, indirectly. A cabinet directive to the CRTC last November dodged the request of the Québec music industry to take a strong position on regulating the streamers’ algorithms to boost French language music.

That cabinet decision —-it’s hard to believe it was the outcome the Heritage Minister sought— did not go down easily in Québec and is the engine behind a provincial plan to step into the regulatory fight over CanCon.

***

Okay, one last thing for today.

When Hollywood showed up last November at the CRTC hearings on implementing the Online Streaming Act, I remember thinking the pitch from the Motion Picture Association was miles off base.

Instead of lecturing the Commission on how great Hollywood is for Canada —because it shoots so many American movies and TV shows here— they should have just sent Netflix CEO Ted Sarandos.

The guy is a down-to-earth charmer and very good at explaining how hard it is to be the 900-pound gorilla of the global entertainment industry. Have a listen to this New York Times podcast with Sarandos, it’s great.

***

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