Canadians in a dangerous time.

December 28, 2025

I am ever grateful for my library card. After waiting just a few weeks for 100+ Torontonians to read this book before me, I got my turn with this new anthology of thirty Canadian artists and writers reacting to Donald Trump’s threats to crush our economy so he can annex our country.

Elbows Up! (subtitled “Canadian Voices of Resilience and Resistance”) is of course a riff on the Prime Minister’s election slogan that helped to put him where he is now. Whether in fact we are conducting ourselves that way is, I think it’s best to say, a work in progress. 

The editor of this book, CBC host Elamin Abdelmahmoud, pitches the relevance of this collection as a cultural reboot of a similar publication in the turbulent year of 1968: The New Romans: Candid Canadian Opinions of the US.

The 2025 remake has less to say about the annexationist threat to the south than it does about being and feeling Canadian in dangerous times. 

A few contributions stood out for me. Tom Power (the host of CBC’s radio show Q) offers a guileless and heart warming account of his journey from not-a-clue teenager to Newfoundlander patriot to passionate Canadian. The secret of his self discovery: sharing music, half-finished beers and sunrises with other dissolute musicians touring Canada. It’s a metaphor for community that anyone ought to find relatable, even if they find it in less dingy environments. 

Author Iain Reid has a stunner of a short story (“The Appointment”) that is curiously de-contextualized from history and nationality. I’m not sure what it’s doing in this book, but it’s terrific.  

Actor Jay Baruchel goes on a rant about how the American media juggernaut has smothered (English language) Canadian content. It’s hard for me to judge how good this piece is because that’s what I sound like all of the time, but I certainly nodded my head in agreement throughout. It should not be lost on readers that this book was published by a foreign book publisher because after years of foreign acquisitions the Canadian-owned press has been reduced to fighting for scraps.

But the disappointment I felt reading this book was its insularity. There’s not a single conservative voice. There’s one Québec writer. Presumably these missing voices, our fellow Canadians, have something to say in our moment of national peril. 

Yet there are several contributions from writers who come from the cultural left perspective that Canada is not morally legitimate and, as a polity, is the perpetrator of a colonial and Euro-Caucasian supremacist domination of the powerless. Some of these pieces are well written and carry intellectual weight. But you can’t get to the end of this anthology without feeling that the project was put together for an audience demographic of about 20% of Canadians. That’s not the path to national resilience and resistance against annexation. 

My last comment is that I want to point out the short, inspiring piece written by Dr. Jillian Horton who spoke to my innermost convictions and fears, and maybe your’s too:

It is our Canada.

We are a nation like almost every other —-built on violence, cruelty, oppression, as well as ingenuity, hard work, tenacity, community, faith, hope, and the sacrifices of those who came before us. But that is only one truth about us…a puzzle piece, not the whole story. That story has taken a turn at just the right moment. Sometimes saying what you will never become —-whether that is a fascist state or the 51st—- is the thing that brings the most clarity.

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.

Catching up on MediaPolicy – Online harms bill is coming back – Canadians are alienated – Manitoba action on local media

(AI image)

December 23, 2025

The Online Harms bill is coming back to the House of Commons.

The Liberal Bill C-63 that died on the order table when the April 2025 federal election was called, was initially a three-in-one omnibus. 

It was an anti-hate bill that increased prison terms for existing Criminal Code hate speech offences, codified the judge-made law on defining hate, and increased prison terms for hate-motivated crimes.

It also reinstated the abolished right of individuals to bring human rights complaints against hate speech. 

And it charged social media companies with the responsibility of developing and enforcing safety practices to mitigate online harms, particularly to kids. This was the long expected policy piece that was born of lengthy public consultations, taking aim at Facebook and Instagram.

Michael Geist was right (he is, occasionally) in condemning C-63 as three controversial bills wedged into one. Others agreed and the Justice Minister Arif Virani split the legislation into two bills. But the election call killed them anyway and when the government reformed the new Justice Minister Sean Fraser messaged he wasn’t committed to C-63 as it stood.

Since then, Fraser has tabled bills that are policy-cousins to C-63. Bill C-9 takes up the supercharging of prison terms for hate-motivated offences, permits the police to charge hate offences without waiting for the green light from the Attorney-General, and picks up the judge-made law on defining hate (detestation or vilification is hate, but disdain or dislike is not.)

As part of a broader criminal justice reform, Bill C-16 Fraser also introduced Bill C-16 to make it easier to prosecute blackmail threats of online sexual humiliation and deem the posting of deep fake sex videos a criminal act.

Senator Julie Miville-Dechêne’s Bill S-209, a proposal to use age verification technology to keep kids away from online porn, is paused in Senate committee but will probably re-emerge in February.

Now the Hill Times is reporting that Fraser will return some time in the new year with an online harms bill that may offer an organized government policy on online hate, harms and safety.

***

There are the standard ways that we like to take the temperature of public opinion on media.

The go to is whether one “trusts” media. Asked that simply, the polling outcomes reflect likes and dislikes of news outlets as much as reliability or manipulation.

I like this news outlet; I trust it. I hate this news outlet; I don’t trust it. 

Occasionally pollsters try to dig a little deeper. The latest poll from Innovative Research doesn’t probe trust-in-media per se but rather the thing that drives trust and mistrust of public institutions: “cultural alienation,” a state of disengagement from the other, where the other is believed to be harmfully powerful.  

The Innovative poll reports shocking levels of popular alienation from Canadian “elites” (another piece of terminology, like “trust,” that can barely shoulder the weight it is asked to bear).

As for the pollster, it describes “culturally alienated” thus: “A full-spectrum pessimistic bloc that believes Canada’s institutions are broken, elites are disconnected, our shared identity is lost, and the country is headed toward crisis. Their worldview is consistently bleak.”

According to the poll, there is a large pool of culturally alienated Canadians, about 28%. 

The culturally alienated are joined in their disaffection by “anti-elite populists” who are “Canadians who feel strongly that the system is rigged and elites don’t care about ordinary people. They are less concerned with institutions or national identity collapsing.” That’s another 29%. I know a lot of people matching the description and I am guessing so do you.

Added together, the numbers look dire.

Now if that puts you into too dark a mood, keep in mind the poll was taken from a standing opinion panel of opted-in respondents, not a random sample of Canadians, so it is disproportionately asking questions of opinionated Canadians.

Also, the results might be skewed pessimistic by the questions. Many of the mood-testing questions are necessarily binary, asking respondents to answer yes or no to questions like “Canadian institutions are broken” and “Canadian elites don’t care about ordinary Canadians.”

Ask an emotional question, get an emotional answer. 

I keep telling myself, it isn’t as bad as it looks. That makes me a moderate pessimist, apparently.

***

An all-party committee of the Manitoban legislature is recommending Premier Wab Kinew’s NDP government follow the lead of provincial governments in Ontario and Québec to financially support local media.

If the NDP acts on the recommendation, it will copy the Ontario procurement practice of reserving 25% of $200 million in government ad spends for placement with local media.

Also, the MLAs propose that Manitoba offer a journalist salary subsidy similar to Québec which provides a 35% salary subsidy (up to $26,250 annually) that stacks on top of the federal 35% salary subsidy (up to $29,000). 

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.


Catching up on MediaPolicy – CUSMA snooker – CRTC copyright ruling appealed – shareholder vote on Netflix v Paramount – the Oscars on YouTube

AI image

December 20, 2025

This week the US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer told US Congress what American stakeholders want from CUSMA trade talks with Mexico and Canada in 2026.

Greer’s report was an opportunity to be performative about US interests. As a member of President Trump’s cabinet, he wasn’t offering a blueprint for trade negotiations or even hinting at what’s the most important to his boss.

Only Donald Trump knows what he really wants. Does he want to run the table and steamroll Canada and Mexico?

Well, imagine a snooker game with a full rack of balls on the felt. What strikes you immediately upon reading Greer’s report is how many meaty issues there are in a long list of industrial sectors.

For those concerned about Trump’s cultural hit list, you would be surprised how brief and perfunctory Greer’s comments were. 

As we’ve known for some time, the US streamers hate our Online Streaming Act. Google and Meta hate our Online News Act. Prime Minister Mark Carney already gave away our digital services tax, the thing the US companies hated the most. 

On the other hand, the American companies canvassed by Greer like the Digital Trade chapter in the CUSMA trade agreement just fine.

As a very permissive set of trade rules, it may be up to Canadian negotiators to carve out of the Digital Trade provisions a wider scope to exercise our sovereign right to set the terms of AI services. 

***

In case you missed it, read my rant about the CRTC’s ruling on copyright and intellectual property in Canadian video content.

Sounds like a snoozer when I describe it that way, but Canadian ownership of CanCon copyright is central to whether the federal government’s Bill C-11 the Online Streaming Act accomplishes what it was meant to do.

My rant was that the CRTC effed it up. The Canadian Media Producers Association appears to agree: it just filed a court appeal against the ruling.

The CMPA’s legal filing, asking the federal court to hear its appeal, argues one of the things I wrote about in the blog post: Bill C-11 was written to ensure that Canadian TV and film producers reap the fruits of their labour, what industry insiders call the “long-term commercial exploitation of intellectual property.”

Mere copyright “in the title” of a show isn’t that, says the CMPA.

In the words of the statute, the Commission is supposed to consider whether Canadian producers enjoy “a right or interest in relation to a program, including copyright, that allows them to control and benefit in a significant and equitable manner from the exploitation of the program.”

That means revenue, in other words a stake in the profit earned by Canadian shows from distribution and other monetization opportunities until the lemon is squeezed dry.

***

This week the board of Warner Brothers Discovery rejected Paramount’s hostile takeover bid. That leaves the winning suitor Netflix as Hollywood Rex for now, but WBD shareholders vote on Netflix’s $82 billion offer in January. 

Paramount isn’t rushing out an improved bid: CEO David Ellison is making the case to WBD shareholders for his all-cash bid, arguably better chances than Netflix of clearing anti-trust hurdles, and the fact that Netflix’s offer for the WBD studio and streaming assets doesn’t include taking WBD’s lagging television assets off the hands of shareholders. 

In the meantime, Donald Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner withdrew from Paramount’s financing consortium. Then business analysts questioned whether Larry Ellison’s money was good: his participation in his son David’s takeover bid is through a revocable trust, subject to change by Ellison senior. (Update, 22/12/25 – Ellison Sr. responds with personal guarantee).

Almost unnoticed in all of this, Pa Ellison is now officially a part-owner of TikTok-USA after the Chinese company ByteDance completed the sale of its American operations to a consortium of US interests, including Ellison.

***

Netflix may be the undisputed king of streaming. But YouTube is the lord of video consumption.

YouTube’s market dominance is a reflection on the growing popularity of short-form video of course. Yet not long ago I posted about YouTube’s plan to go all out into bidding for the rights to big events in premium, long-form video. 

Last week YouTube scooped the exclusive global rights to the Oscar awards, beginning in 2029. That seems like a big deal for boomers raised on Hollywood glamour, although we could remind ourselves that at 20 million viewers, the Oscars trail the Super Bowl (130 million) and Game 7 of the World Series (50 million). 

No word yet on the consequences for Bell Media’s CTV network which has held the Canadian distribution rights for the Oscars since 2003. 

***

There’s a new American opinion poll published by Pew Research which rattled my optimism about the future of news journalism.

According to the poll, young people are more likely than older Americans to trust news influencers, concede a wide definition of who they recognize as a journalist, and are more likely to find it acceptable for journalists to be advocates for a cause and sport their ideological colours brightly.

***

The Washington Post’s newest AI widget (proprietor Jeff Bezos holds a minority interest in the AI app Perplexity) is in Beta. It has a long, long way to go.

A six minute daily podcast features two AI agents summarizing WAPO’s top three stories of the day. You can customize your topics or WAPO’s algorithm will figure you out. 

Other than saving on two journalist salaries, the added value of this AI widget is a mystery. It’s a downmarket product offering from an upmarket news outlet.

Real life podcasters at the NYT Daily, fear not. 

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.

Catching up on MediaPolicy – Québec’s Netflix-Spotify bill is in play – social media ban for teens – hostile bid for Warner Bros and CNN – OpenAI’s Disney video app

AI generated image from OpenAI

December 13, 2025


This week the Québec National Assembly unanimously passed Bill 109, its version of the federal Bill C-11, the Online Streaming Act.

MediaPolicy has been following this file since the CAQ government commissioned a blue-ribbon committee to recommend how to reverse the low availability and consumption of French language content on global streaming platforms. In reverse chronological order, you can update yourself on this story here, here, here and here.

The CAQ bill is a policy response to the federal cabinet’s and the CRTC’s hesitancy to implement the “content discoverability” provisions of the federal bill as written by Parliament.

The political consensus in Québec on regulating audio-visual and audio content to protect culture and language meant that Bill 109 didn’t spark the controversy that the federal Bill C-11 did two years ago.

But the tinder is dry and the sparks will fly. 

The US Trade Representative will add Bill 109 to its list of American grievances over Canada regulating Hollywood streamers and Big Tech, to be tabled in CUSMA negotiations this spring. (When coincidentally the 2026 Québec election might be called).

So too there must inevitably be an impasse between the Mark Carney government and Québec over legislative jurisdiction. Though brief by comparison, Bill 109 is almost a carbon copy of Bill C-11. Until the Supreme Court says otherwise, Ottawa has exclusive jurisdiction over online broadcasting. 

Québec’s culture minister Mathieu Lacombe has been pretending there’s nothing jurisdictional to talk about with Ottawa. According to the minister, there’s no conflict, only concurrent federal and provincial powers to do the same thing. Good luck with that. A caveat: he might have a provincial claim to the regulation of home screens on Smart TVs and streaming devices. 

The Québec law is founded on a provincially claimed right to cultural discoveryprops to that boldness. Importantly, all of the bill’s cultural measures are focussed on French language content, not Canadian French language content, so the political framing is more linguistic than cultural.

Mess with this if you dare, Ottawa.

From here, things will move slowly at first.

Québec will establish the minister’s Discoverability Office and begin drafting streamer requirements for French language content.

The CAQ’s Lacombe will find out if the streamers are willing to take up his offer to negotiate bespoke agreements in order to avoid cookie cutter regulations set by the province.

On video streaming, he will no doubt benchmark his regulations or voluntary agreements with streamers against the outcomes reached in France since 2021.

Despite a framework EU law that proposes a 30% catalogue minimum (numbers of shows), the French implementation of that policy focusses instead on production investments in French language content, based on a range of 20% to 25% of a streamer’s national operating revenues. So far, the result has been bigger budgets rather than a proliferation of mid-budget shows.

On other hand Lacombe could just stick with catalogue quotas, as the CRTC is expected to announce its own federal expenditure quotas soon.

As the Québec legislation doesn’t require the cash contributions to Canadian media funds that the streamers hate so much in the federal scheme, a deal with Netflix focussing on French language video catalogues doesn’t seem out of the question.

A deal with Spotify to do something dramatic to increase rock bottom consumption of French language music would be tougher. 

Unless Lacombe’s process moves at lightning speed, CUSMA talks and the Québec election will intervene.

***

If you don’t have school age kids, you might have missed the seismic Big Tech event that just shook Australia: its government has banned social media accounts for children under age 16.

Social media companies are expected to rely on age estimation technology but also photo ID.

The Australian communications minister Anika Wells is the first politician in a liberal democracy to tell social media companies, “time’s up.” Apparently so, even Elon Musk says he will obey the law.

There’s a brief explainer in the New York Times on how harmful social media can be for teens and how we got to the point that Big Tech’s safety half-measures have worn out the patience of legislators. 

Still, a ban. Wow. As our federal justice minister Sean Fraser eyes a revised online harms bill, what would be interesting is an opinion poll on a ban, taken from Canadian parents of tweeners and teenagers, parsed out separately for age and gender of the children. 

***

In last weekend’s post, I speculated that Donald Trump would have some fun with the $87 billion USD Netflix-Warner Brothers merger deal, given his donor ties to the losing bidder, Paramount. 

The next business day after Netflix officially announced its winning bid, and media analysts had their say on the prospects for Netflix obtaining the Trump administration’s anti-trust vetting, Paramount unveiled its Plan B: a $108 billion hostile takeover bid for all of Warner Brothers Discovery properties.

Warner Brothers has a week to respond but Paramount CEO David Ellison has already signalled an improved second bid is ready to go.

Among Paramount’s financial backers are the CEO’s dad and second richest man in the world, Larry Ellison, and various gulf state sovereign wealth funds. Oh, and President Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner.

The Ellison-Gulf-Kushner bid includes Warner Brothers’ television entertainment channels and the cable news network CNN. 

Ellison-the-younger’s Paramount recently bought the CBS news network and appointed the Free Press’ Bari Weiss as CEO. Pa Ellison is also the key investor in the bid to buy TikTok’s US operations. 

***

A significant AI content licensing deal has been struck between the IP-rich Disney and OpenAI, the developers of Chat GPT and the video-creation app Sora. 

The deal will allow Sora subscribers to create videos with Disney’s classic animated film characters. Imagine making a birthday video card for your kids featuring them with their preferred cuddly creature or action hero.

As reported by The New York Times: “Sora users will be able to make videos with more than 200 characters from Disney’s library, including from “Encanto,” “Frozen,” “Moana,” “Toy Story,” “Zootopia,” “Inside Out” and other animated movies. Animated or illustrated versions of Marvel characters like Deadpool, Iron Man and Black Panther will also be available, along with “Star Wars” characters like Darth Vader and Princess Leia.”

Given all of the chatter about AI companies scraping copyrighted content, the Disney-OpenAI deal will set expectations that licensing deals are the way for Big Tech to make peace with content producers, especially the biggest ones. (Oddly the reporting on the deal noted Disney’s $1B USD investment in OpenAI but was mum on the value of licensing payments that Disney can expect).

The Hollywood Reporter has a good analysis of the deal, the gist of which is Disney isn’t going to rest on its IP laurels while other content companies get rich on AI monetization.

More broadly, the slow drip of licensing deals between AI and content companies might, in the news journalism space, begins to look like the years leading up to Australia’s NewsMedia bargaining code and the Canadian Online News Act: AI companies cherry pick the biggest and most popular news outlets for licensing deals while those left behind look to governments for action on content scraping and monetization. 

***

If you would like regular notifications of future posts from MediaPolicy.ca you can follow this site by signing up under the Follow button in the bottom right corner of the home page; 

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I can be reached by e-mail at howard.law@bell.net.

This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.










Catching up on MediaPolicy – Netflix is Rex – Miller is minister – CRTC vets Meta’s news ban

AI image

December 7, 2025

This week’s blockbuster news is that Netflix edged out Paramount to buy Warner Brothers for $82 USD billion. The deal immediately depleted the supply of adjectives at the disposal of media analysts. 

If the deal closes as scheduled in late 2026, Netflix buys up the world’s biggest movie archive and keeps it out of the hands of a major rival with the second biggest (Netflix is number three).

Netflix is paying a heavy price tag and arguably overpaid (you know who pays for inflated merger valuations, it’s subscribers and workers). Netflix goes from its status as the streaming industry’s 900-pound gorilla to, I dunno, T-Rex stature?

The public commentary on the deal is mostly doomsaying. 

It speeds up the chiselling of the tombstone for the theatrical release industry.

In a press release, Netflix CEO Ted Sarandos said shareholder value would flow from adding HBO and the full Warner Brothers archive to the Netflix “best in class streaming service:” his pro forma commitment to theatre release was relegated to a subordinate sentence clause.

But if the merciless dispatch of theatrical-release seems inevitable, and just the law of the marketplace jungle, what is of long term concern is the anti-competitive effect on the pipeline of big-budget premium video entertainment. The Globe & Mail’s Barry Hertz has a good analysis here.

The Netflix deal is a prime candidate for anti-trust review by the Trump administration (especially as Netflix outbid Friend-of-Trump Paramount). 

That review could go in any direction but things to watch for include (a) Trump reviving his threat to levy tariffs on foreign movies and the offshore shooting of Hollywood blockbusters, and/or (b) using the anti-trust hammer to get something that he personally wants, which could be commitments to US-based production or some vanity trophy we can’t imagine right now.

It’s not that Sarandos can’t see that coming. In his press release he said the acquisition would allow Netflix to expand its US based production, a gimme that doesn’t commit him to a rate of new releases equal to “Netflix plus Warner Brothers” but only “Netflix plus a dollar.”

Any Trump-driven re-shoring of studio production could hurt the two offshore leaders of Hollywood production, the UK and Canada (and hurt Hollywood too, but that’s a longer discussion).

Beyond that, the effect on Canadian-owned broadcasting could be massive. Netflix is buying Warner Brothers’ Home Box Office streaming service and catalogue which may or may not be integrated into the Netflix platform, once subscription pricing is figured out. The press release suggests HBO content will be on the Netflix platform, at least in the US. 

Here in Canada, there is no HBO streaming service and Bell Media holds the exclusive license to distribute HBO on the only Canadian streaming service of consequence, Crave TV.

You would have to question whether Netflix has any interest in continuing that Canadian licensing arrangement when it expires and, in fact, Netflix has an excellent opportunity to severely wound its only Canadian-owned competitor.

Without that profitable HBO content, Bell’s ability to keep funding Canadian content takes a big hit. 

***

Canada has a new Heritage minister, Marc Miller.

That’s the fallout from Steven Guilbeault’s cabinet resignation over Prime Minister Mark Carney scrapping the Trudeau/Guilbeault policies on oil production, emissions, pipelines, oil tankers and clean energy regulations.

Miller continues a long tradition of the Liberals appointing an MP from the island of Montréal to the Heritage portfolio.

But of course Miller is the first anglophone the Libs have picked for that job since Hamilton’s Shiela Copps —-who was born ready to butt heads with the US on cultural sovereignty. She did the job from 1996 to 2003 under Prime Minister Jean Chrétien. 

The feisty Miller is prone to speaking with candour, as a rule. That’s already got him into a spat with CAQ premier François Legault who didn’t like Miller insisting on making a distinction between “the decline” and “fragility” of the French language in Canada and Québec. The Bloc dutifully piled on.

Guilbeault was the federal champion of Canadian and French language content in Québec and as the new Heritage minister no less will be expected of Miller. His life will get very interesting in about six months when CUSMA negotiations begin.

Will Miller become the political reincarnation of Shiela Copps? It’s up to Mark Carney, just as it was up to Jean Chrétien.

***

It looks like the CRTC’s investigation into whether Meta is selectively enforcing its made-in-Canada ban on news content has come an end. The CRTC’s brief discharge letter to Meta was published last week.

You can still find news items on Facebook and Instagram in Canada, despite Meta’s avowal that it banned news to take itself outside of the scope of the compulsory licensing of “news content” in the Online News Act.

Meta must have satisfied the Commission staff that it is sticking to its ban by taking down news items posted by Canadian users and by deleting user screenshots of articles. If you want to know how the Commission reached its conclusion, you won’t find it in the letter. 

What remains unresolved, or perhaps resolved only to the Commission’s private satisfaction, is Meta permitting posts from news outlets like Narcity and The Peak who successfully applied to Meta for what they describe as “exemptions” from the news content ban.

Without more transparency, one can only guess if Meta’s exemption of hand picked news outlets violates the statutory prohibition against digital platforms discriminating for or against selected news outlets. 

In the case of Narcity, its publisher claimed that Meta granted an exemption because Narcity was refused certification for federal journalism labour tax credits on the grounds that it doesn’t publish enough original news on current affairs. 

But certification for federal subsidies program doesn’t mean that a news outlet isn’t producing some news content, or pieces of news content, as defined by the Online News Act, which Meta says its banning to avoid paying for it. 

The Peak also recently announced that Meta gave it “an exemption” and I invite you to have a look at the news articles it’s allowed to post on Facebook and Instagram.

If you go looking, keep in mind that the “news content” that Meta is supposed to be banning in order to escape the gravitational pull of the Act includes “any portion” of news content. 

The Commission’s original inquiry into the news ban appears to have been its own idea, so the fact that it hasn’t published its reasons at any length is not a total surprise. No Canadian news organization has filed a complaint. 

***

If you would like regular notifications of future posts from MediaPolicy.ca you can follow this site by signing up under the Follow button in the bottom right corner of the home page; 

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.

Catching Up on MediaPolicy – Ranting about CanCon – Danish news subsidies – Meta lobbies Feds on age verification – the NFB’s gripping sailing documentary

November 29, 2025

I’ve fallen behind on catching you up on media policy news because I felt compelled to write a series of three posts commenting on the CRTC’s ruling on Canadian content. The last one, the rant I promised, was published this week in Cartt.ca.

While I was ranting, one of the things I let slide was telling you about a new report out of Denmark proposing to refashion its policy design for government aid to news journalism.

The Danes are serious about news subsidies: they spend 540 million krone ($120M CDN) every year on private media in nation of six million people (Canada spends about $200 million in country of 42 million).

According to the Reuters Oxford Digital News Report, Denmark’s “public trust in media” score is 56% and it ranks sixth out of 180 in the Reporters Without Borderspress freedom index at 86.93. By comparison, Canada’s trust score is 39% with a press freedom index of 78.5, 21st in the world.

The Danes also have something we don’t: a 2018 Media Liability law that established an independent national press council and conferred the force of law on editorial independence from ownership. 

The Danish subsidy report was commissioned by government and written by a committee led by Rasmus Nielsen, the former chief of the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism.

Despite the ocean separating us, there are strong parallels between the Danish system of news subsidy and Canada’s jigsaw of federal programs: we have the QCJO subsidy of journalist salaries, the Local Journalism Initiative that funds 700 full time reporters in under-serviced regions across the country, and the Canadian Periodical Fund which supports editorial expenditures by community weeklies. 

The untranslated 144-page Danish report covers a lot of ground, but Nielsen’s own English language summary of it captures the essence: a weighted emphasis on supporting news outlets that are regional, local or “independent” (owners of single-titles) rather than mere incumbency as a news organization. 

***

The Senate deliberations of Senatrice Julie Miville-Dechêne’s Bill S-209, that would require age verification for online pornography is on hold until February while the Senate justice committee deals with other matters.

During the pause, the Canadian Press reports that Meta has joined the fray by lobbying the federal Liberals to step in with their own bill that would shift the age verification responsibility from pornography websites and social media platforms to app stores.

Meta obviously doesn’t run an App Store, as do Google and Apple, and the latter two Big Tech companies are cheesed about what Meta is up to.

Meanwhile, Canadian children continue to be exposed to online pornography featuring choking and slapping. The CP story is well done and informative.

Meta is having a good month of course. It won the anti-trust trial brought by the US Justice Department that claimed Meta was running a monopoly in personal social networking. In the interim five year period between filing and judgment, TikTok greatly improved its market share.

Matt Stoller has a very good analysis of the lawsuit, the trial, the judge, and why he thinks Big Tech will never be slowed down by anti-trust litigation: he says it takes public policy and legislatures to change things.

A test of his theory may happen soon: the trial judge in the Google Ad Tech case will be handing down her decision on whether to dismantle that illegal monopoly in the new year.

Meanwhile a consortium of US school boards just filed a new lawsuit against Meta and several other Tech companies.

Their allegation against Meta in particular is that company documents reveal CEO Mark Zuckerberg squelched evidence of harm to teenage girls while Meta designed lax safety features, including ineffective measures to expel sex traffickers from the platform. Of course, the allegations must be proven in court, probably over several years.

This does raise the question of whether Americans (and Canadians) should count on US courts to adjudicate Big Tech’s excesses by giving full due process and demanding conclusive evidence of the allegations, or whether governments should just cut to the chase, stop litigating whether the harms to kids persist, and legislate a solution.

In related stories, Australia’s social media ban on under 16s comes into force in December. The EU Parliament just passed a non-binding resolution to do the same.

***

The National Film Board’s website is recommending “Ghosts of the Sea,” a riveting documentary about the ill-fated Norwegian father-and-son sailors, Peter and Thomas Tangvald.

The filmmaker is Thomas’ half sister Virginia, who settled in her mother’s hometown of Montreal. The father Peter was married seven times and two of his wives died at sea.

I’ll say this: the film offers a visceral take on “intergenerational trauma.”

I think you will enjoy the one hour and 37 minute film and I absolutely guarantee you’ll have strong opinions afterwards. 

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.

The CRTC’s ruling on television copyright: for a branch-plant CanCon economy

November 27, 2025

In October 2022 Netflix was appearing at the Senate committee reviewing the proposed Bill C-11, the Online Streaming Act, when the Conservative senator Fabian Manning pitched a softball question: what was the Hollywood giant’s “main priority” in amending a bill it didn’t welcome?

The Canadian spokesperson for the streamer was succinct in his answer: “If I had to choose just one, it would be the issue of copyright ownership.”

Last week, Netflix got what it wanted

Continue reading at Cartt.ca…

What did the CRTC just do to CanCon?

November 22, 2025

Earlier this week the CRTC released a major ruling on Canadian content. MediaPolicy provided a quick bottom line reaction but you could do just as well with any of the many media reports.

More depth of analysis is called for but I’m going to do that over two posts.

Today I was going to go on a rant. But I will save that for the next post, because I think those interested in policy supporting Canadian television drama often find themselves in a situation not unlike a novice driver raising the hood of a car engine to gape at a maze of parts. An explainer might help, so here goes, with the opinionating to follow.

The important thing to get about the CanCon engine is that the interconnected parts include Canadian broadcasters, government agencies, Hollywood streamers and independent Canadian filmmakers who collectively follow CRTC regulations that put Canadian television dramas on a screen to be enjoyed by a Canadian audience whose dollars rarely cover the costs of those shows.

As a general rule CanCon is unprofitable in our modestly populated country. If we had a population of 340 million, we wouldn’t need a CanCon policy.

That’s why as a matter of Canadian cultural policy we offer production subsidies bankrolled by Canadian cable companies as well as federal and provincial governments. It’s the feds and the provinces that put up most of the money. 

At the heart of the CanCon engine are the “independent” Canadian TV and filmmakers—by law, independently-owned at arms length from Canadian broadcasters— who make Canadian drama and comedy and sell it to broadcasters and, coming soon, to Hollywood streamers too. 

As a matter of Canadian cultural policy it’s the Canadian producers, and only them, who get the subsidies that make up half of filming budgets (though eligible for these subsidies, the broadcasters rarely make their own dramas in-house). Federal policy aptly describes the independents as the vital cog in the broadcasting machine.

Living hand to mouth in relative anonymity, these modestly capitalized enterprises have been the creative force behind CanCon for decades, at least as important as the big broadcasters whom the public knows better. As far as television drama is concerned, the broadcasting engine runs on the content the independents make. 

Until now, we haven’t had a Hollywood-style system for making Canadian television dramas. No wannabe studio giants here. The Canadian independents are many and mostly small, moving from project to project, slowly building a sustainable business, locked into frenemy relationships with the Canadian broadcasters who buy their stuff.

But those Canadian broadcasters, big and small, are on their way down, if not out (watch this space). 

Netflix and the streamers are increasingly on top. The federal Liberals’ Online Streaming Act, Bill C-11, was the engine overhaul necessary if the ascendant streamers are to be recruited to finance and distribute Canadian drama, filling the growing void for that programming that results from Canadian broadcasters steadily losing cable subscribers and advertising revenue.

The streamers are not willing conscripts to the cause. Just ask them. They despise the mandatory cash contributions to Canadian media funds that subsidize television dramas and local news.

But making their own Canadian content might be something the streamers could live with. This recent CRTC ruling was about setting the conditions for that.

From their point of view, the streamers would like total freedom of action to make Canadian content on their own terms. Those terms include hiring the creative talent they want and dictating commercial terms to the independent Canadian production houses they engage to make the content. The CRTC is trying to bend to the streamers’ desires without the regulatory engine seizing up.

On hiring the top creative talent that drive a production, the CRTC has long sponsored the famous ten-point headcount that certifies dramas as CanCon, a certification that the broadcasters need in order to meet the CRTC’s quotas for CanCon spending. 

Until this week, that headcount system was straightforward enough. The idea is that in the long run Canadian talent will make Canadian content, without a need for a state-arbitrated test of “what is Canadian.”

The ten points recognize up to eight talent roles: Director (2 points), Screenwriter (2 points), first and second lead actors, cinematographer, art director, music composer and picture editor. 

If a production house hires enough Canadians to rack up at least six points, the CRTC certifies their program. In addition to the six-point talent, the CRTC requires the producer —the quarterback of the entire production who does the hiring and approves the scripts— to be a Canadian and demonstrably in charge of the creative team without interference from investors. As well, 75% of the set production and post-production payroll must be paid to Canadian workers.

There are equally compelling cultural arguments to leave this system alone, or to change it up. Last week, the CRTC changed it up, although much of it might seem mundane at first glance. 

There’s a new category of Showrunner (2 points), a recognition of the Hollywood practice of a putting a hybrid writer/producer in charge of a production. The screenwriter’s guild ain’t thrilled, but the CRTC is just adapting to reality. 

There’s an ecumenical nod towards giving points for hiring a Canadian behind-the-screen team of hair, make-up and costume designers. Collectively, a Canadian team can earn one point.

Ditto, the CRTC is now adding the special effects director to its approved list. 

In a move towards critics who believe that certification of Canadian content ought to be less about the nationality of talent and more about the Canadian narrative, look and feel of the story, the Commission is giving points for visibly Canadian locales, landscapes, and characters.

It’s also giving credit for dramas based on Canadian novels as well as soundtracks featuring a majority of previously recorded Canadian songs.

All of this Canadianography earns “bonus” points, shorthand for saying that a more effusively Canadian drama can be certified as CanCon with less Canadian talent.

This was an unexpected development, as the Commission’s preliminary view published last year was that it wasn’t going to do this. However the Commission cites the feedback from a public opinion poll it commissioned and interprets as supporting a popular desire for more classically Canadian stories. 

With a longer list of roles into which Canadian hires are credited towards CanCon certification, the Commission expanded the 10 point test to as much as a 14 point test, but made it scaleable (smaller productions might combine roles) up or down: so long as 60% of the roles are filled by Canadians, the spirit of the old six out of ten test is met.

But crucially the importance of Canadian directors, writers and actors has been diluted. This will please the Hollywood streamers who can be expected to tell the Canadian independent producers that if they want the commission they will hire more of the streamers’ key Hollywood people. 

There are however more seismic changes afoot and let me draw the connection between those big moves and the incremental amendments to the point system. 

First, the all-powerful producer who pilots the production, approves the script, and hires the six-point creative team might not have to be Canadian after all.

In this newest CRTC ruling, when Netflix commissions a CanCon project and insists upon taking a majority copyright position in the production, which it will do routinely, the lead producer can be an American so long as two of the three junior producers are Canadian. 

That brings us to the second big change: the Canadian ownership of copyright and intellectual property in a drama production.

This is a bit of long winded explanation but stick with me and follow the money.

Until now the Commission has never bothered with any rules regulating ownership of copyright in a production.

In the past the Commission didn’t need to impose Canadian ownership on the control of copyright in a CanCon program because all the financing partners were Canadian: the independent producer selling the show, the broadcaster commissioning the show, the federal and provincial governments providing the first layers of subsidy for the show and the public-private Canada Media Fund providing the second layer.

The Media Fund and Canadian governments that control the CanCon subsidies want to support the capitalization and long term viability of the independents. They insist that the independent producer —not its broadcast partner— must own 100% of the copyright and intellectual property flowing from the production. 

The Media Fund supercharges that by green-lighting its subsidy only if hiring of Canadians on a production is a full ten points out of ten. Since the Media Fund subsidy is crucial to CanCon financing, ten points becomes the norm even if the CRTC and federal subsidies only require six.

But since the CRTC has never been in charge of subsidies and is only concerned with getting Canadian content to broadcasting screens, its thinking was that one Canadian media business is as good as another, be it an independent producer or broadcaster.

Then we decided to regulate the US streamers. Oops, now the CRTC needs a copyright rule.

The new reality is that if the CRTC is going to require the streamers to spend money making CanCon, the streamers are going to want as much control of the return on their investment across Canada and a global audience as they can get. That return comes from domestic release, global release, long term residency in the Netflix library, control of spin-offs and sequels, trademark revenue, etc. 

That means three things are important: copyright, copyright and copyright. 

When Netflix appeared before Parliamentary committees considering Bill C-11, the Online Streaming Act, its Canadian policy director bluntly stated that the amendment Netflix wanted the most was copyright ownership of the CanCon it would be required to commission.

He then disarmingly claimed that the streamer wouldn’t necessarily want majority ownership of every CanCon production it commissioned ——even though it does exactly that when commissioning US shows that are shot in Canada. 

The Commission knew it had to find a balance between Netflix’s commercial interests and the viability of Canadian independents, the standard bearers for cultural production. The question was, where to strike the compromise?

Last week it struck that compromise by offering the streamers one of three options: 100% Canadian ownership of copyright, minority American ownership, and majority American ownership (to a maximum of 80%).

The first bucket of 100% Canadian ownership is status quo, allowing for the tweaks to the six-point rule. 

The minority US ownership bucket means that Netflix can choose a non-Canadian lead producer although technically the Canadian production house retains an equal share of creative control.

The majority US ownership bucket obviously means that Netflix effectively owns the show and the lion’s share of its success. The only price it must pay is to move up from six to eight points (or 80%) on hiring Canadians with the aid of Canadianography points, hairstylists, make up artists, etc.

Chart from Canadian Media Producers Association, circulated to its members

Nevertheless it’s important to mark this mental footnote: the new CRTC copyright rule does not apply to subsidies controlled by Canadian governments and the Canada Media Fund, at least for now. As mentioned above, those rules currently guarantee that the Canadian independent owns the copyright, in fact for 25 years. But the streamers can ignore those federal copyright rules if they forego the subsidies.

What does the CRTC copyright rule mean when it comes to making money on a show? 

“Copyright” is just the price of admission to commercial negotiations over profit sharing that is supposed to match investment to the return on that investment. Still, whomever controls the majority of copyright holds the hammer in negotiations over splitting profits and return on investment, often described as the long term commercial exploitation of intellectual property.

It’s perhaps unknowable how much extra muscle that gives the deep pocketed Netflix than it currently flexes as an equity investor in the occasional CanCon production (for example, CBC/APTN’s North of North). 

But copyright is an undeniably important part of leverage in commercial negotiation, which is why Netflix tried so hard but unsuccessfully to persuade Parliamentarians to guarantee streamer copyright interests in Bill C-11. 

Conversely, the Canadian independents wanted Parliament to guarantee full Canadian ownership. The final text of the bill genuflected support for the independents’ interests, but provided no guarantees, handing the difficult task of balancing interests to the CRTC.

Now that the CRTC has opened the door to the streamers’ majority ownership of copyright —expect them to rush through it at pace— the question is whether the CRTC will allow Netflix and Hollywood to dictate commercial terms to Canadian independents, treating them in effect as employees on wages set by the studios. 

The Commission is hardly unaware of the problem, addressing it in this crucial paragraph:

The Commission adopts the following guiding principles in negotiations among production partners: 

Fair compensation and exploitation: Ensure that remuneration, rights, and revenues are allocated in a way that fairly reflects the financial and human contributions to the production, while ensuring Canadian producers retain significant, equitable control and benefit from long-term exploitation. 

Good-faith negotiation: Production partners negotiate in good faith.

The Commission may assess the effectiveness of these non-binding principles in the future. (emphasis added).

In other words, Netflix be nice.

More on this in a further post.

***

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I can be reached by e-mail at howard.law@bell.net.

This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.

CRTC shakes up CanCon rules

November 18, 2025

The CRTC has released the first of a hugely consequential two-part ruling on video streaming and television.

The famous “10 point” headcount of key Canadian creative talent that is required before the CRTC will recognize a “Canadian program” as fulfilling a broadcaster’s CanCon budget gets a make-over.

The most significant changes are:

  • The “minimum six points” rule that requires Canadian directors and/or screenwriters and lead actors remains intact. But other key Canadian talent can be displaced for up to half of those six points if the screenplay is based on a Canadian fictional or non-fiction written work; the screenplay features Canadian characters or locations; or the soundtrack features previously recorded Canadian songs.
  • Netflix and the foreign streamers have been cleared to own majority copyright in a Canadian program acquired from a Canadian producer for distribution on their services. The ruling essentially allows streamers to buy that copyright by hiring Canadians in both Director and Screenwriter roles, either worth two points, to reach a minimum of eight instead of six points overall.

The CRTC did not previously have a Canadian copyright rule because it did not regulate non-Canadian broadcasters or streamers until now.

Nevertheless the CRTC’s new copyright rule is significant because it leaves a gap between CRTC policy governing a streamer’s CanCon expenditures and, on the other hand, federal government and media fund rules that gate keep supplemental subsidies for making CanCon.

Those subsidy rules, administered by Heritage Canada and the Canada Media Fund, maintain 100% Canadian copyright to support long-term economic opportunity for independent Canadian producers who typically make Canadian programs and sell them to broadcasters and streamers.

The Commission has stated that it expects the streamers to treat Canadian producers fairly when negotiating the economic opportunity flowing from shared copyright but has not stated if or how it will enforce that.

The second part of the Commission’s ruling, to be released “in the near future,” will “focus on the funding and support for Canadian programming, including funding for news and at-risk programming.”

That’s a reference to overall “Canadian programming expenditures” expected of the streamers, in addition to the 5% cash contributions already levied in favour of independent Canadian Media funds, as well as potential funding for public service media and local news.

More to come.

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.

Catching Up on MediaPolicy – The BBC lies the truth – Australia dips its toes into C-11 waters – Cohere fails to stop AI lawsuit

November 15, 2025

“I lie the truth,” American film director Oliver Stone once said of his controversial 1991 epic “JFK,” packed as it was with apocrypha and might-have-been speculation.

So did the BBC in its 2024 documentary on America’s insurrection day, January 6th, 2021, “Trump: A Second Chance?”

By now, most have heard about the BBC’s splicing of video clips that juxtaposed Donald Trump urging the crowd to march on the US Capitol with his later suggestion that they “fight like hell” against the Congressional confirmation of Joe Biden’s election victory. He made the “fight” comment 20 times during the speech, but the two comments in the edited clip were spoken 50 minutes apart. 

Omitted in the report was Trump’s suggestion they protest peacefully.

Also omitted was Trump telling the crowd that his Vice President Mike Pence must be stopped from certifying the election results, “We’re just not going to let that happen.”

As the crowd became a mob and surged violently into the Capitol building, some avowing to find Pence and murder him before he could certify, the outgoing President held back for two hours before making a public request to end the violent occupation.

The BBC rightly apologized to Trump for the video editing —-after a leaked document and public pressure made it impossible to do otherwise. The Beeb qualified its mea culpa by suggesting the President had not made a “direct call for violent action.” 

The broadcaster denied defamation but Trump is filing a lawsuit.

It didn’t take long for Canadian commentators to apply the moral of the story to our own public broadcaster, the CBC. 

The Hub’s Full Press podcast offers an intelligent review

Globe & Mail columnist Konrad Yakabuski did the same, writing about recent events in which CBC management’s handling of an ugly anti-Semitic on-air report from a Radio-Canada foreign correspondent remains in blow-over mode.

The fates of the suspended reporter and the unsuspended news host who ignored the remarks are still unclear.

CBC President Marie-Philippe Bouchard told a Parliamentary committee that the public broadcaster’s response ends at its full and immediate public apology, not an investigation into how deep such anti-Semitic views do or don’t run in the newsroom.

Best guess: the spotlight will return to this issue when the CBC Ombud makes a report. 

In the interest of equal time, let’s chalk another stroke on the wall to mark Opposition Leader Pierre Poilievre’s most recent swipe at the CBC when asked a question he would rather not answer (“aren’t you with the CBC?”). If we’re going to hold the CBC responsible for its public reputation, we should hold everyone accountable. 

***

For and CBC doubters and defunders, here’s an insightful and engaging Front Burner podcast featuring the public broadcaster’s three on-the-ground Washington correspondents, Canadians explaining to Canadians what Americans are doing to Canadians.

That’s what you lose without a CBC.

***

There’s a lot of media policy cooking in Australia lately.

A report in The Guardian says that the Labor government is going to move forward with incentives —-i.e. monetary penalties—- to lever Meta into reinstating news content on Facebook and Instagram and return to the bargaining table with news publishers to reinstate mandatory news licensing payments, regardless of Meta’s news ban. 

The idea is to set the fine for Meta’s non-compliance at a level just above the dollar value of its expired agreements with news publishers, something that The Guardian cites as 1.5% of Meta’s annual Australian revenues. The Labor legislation is targeted for 2026. 

If the Australians are baring more teeth than Canada has on our own Meta news ban, they are showing a little less on their new legislation that parallels Canada’s Netflix bill, the Online Streaming Act.

As MediaPolicy noted last week, the new legislation would set a spending quota for Netflix and the major streamers to make “AustralianCon” at either 10% of their local content budget or else 7.5% of their Australian revenues.

The 10% figure replicates the AuzCon spending that Australian-owned broadcasters obey for television dramas. By comparison, Canada requires our major domestic broadcasters spend 30% of revenues on Canadian content, including a 5% envelope for drama. 

Another interesting piece of Australian context is that the streamers’ voluntary spending on AuzCon is over $200 million annually, slightly in excess of the Labor government’s estimates of mandatory spending under the new bill.

A government backgrounder keeps reiterating that the mandatory spending it has in mind would be a “guaranteed” spending. The concern is that Netflix and other global streamers might scale back their Australian spending in response to Hollywood’s contraction of content spending.

As an unregulated English-language market, Australia would be a logical place to start cutting. Better to lock in current levels of streamer spending.

Meanwhile, CRTC watchers in Canada will be interested to learn that the Commission is releasing its ruling on video streaming this coming week.

The decision may order Netflix and the foreign streamers to spend more on Canadian programming. It may also change regulatory rules for Canadian broadcasters who have asked for fewer CanCon responsibilities.

New obligations for the streamers will be closely tied into what the CRTC has to say about the ownership of copyright and intellectual property in Canadian dramas that the streamers will have to buy to fulfill a quota for local content.

The Commission must decide whether to mirror federal rules for CanCon financing that make the payment of crucial television subsidies conditional upon a Canadian producer owning the long term copyright in a show.

The global streamers want the option to demand Canadian producers sell them the copyright if the streamers are going to be compelled by the Commission to spend on CanCon.

Another wild card in the deck is the yet to be released ruling from the Federal Court of Appeal on the Commission’s June 2024 down payment of regulatory obligations for the streamers.

Heard by the court in June 2025, the appellant video and audio streamers are challenging the CRTC’s assessment of an annual cash contribution of $200 million to various media funds that channel the money to the financing of Canadian programming and music.

***

There is an update in the Globe & Mail reporting on the US lawsuit against Cohere that alleges the Canadian owned AI company is ripping off copyrighted content, even behind paywalls, from major North American media companies including the Toronto Star.

A New York judge rejected Cohere’s preliminary argument that the plaintiffs’ news reporting is so puréed in the AI summary that there is no “copy” being made. The case will proceed to trial.

In Germany, a lower court ruled in favour of music companies who sued OpenAI on the grounds that its ChatGPT application violated copyright by scraping lyrics content.

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.