Catching up on MediaPolicy – Netflix is Rex – Miller is minister – CRTC vets Meta’s news ban

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December 7, 2025

This week’s blockbuster news is that Netflix edged out Paramount to buy Warner Brothers for $82 USD billion. The deal immediately depleted the supply of adjectives at the disposal of media analysts. 

If the deal closes as scheduled in late 2026, Netflix buys up the world’s biggest movie archive and keeps it out of the hands of a major rival with the second biggest (Netflix is number three).

Netflix is paying a heavy price tag and arguably overpaid (you know who pays for inflated merger valuations, it’s subscribers and workers). Netflix goes from its status as the streaming industry’s 900-pound gorilla to, I dunno, T-Rex stature?

The public commentary on the deal is mostly doomsaying. 

It speeds up the chiselling of the tombstone for the theatrical release industry.

In a press release, Netflix CEO Ted Sarandos said shareholder value would flow from adding HBO and the full Warner Brothers archive to the Netflix “best in class streaming service:” his pro forma commitment to theatre release was relegated to a subordinate sentence clause.

But if the merciless dispatch of theatrical-release seems inevitable, and just the law of the marketplace jungle, what is of long term concern is the anti-competitive effect on the pipeline of big-budget premium video entertainment. The Globe & Mail’s Barry Hertz has a good analysis here.

The Netflix deal is a prime candidate for anti-trust review by the Trump administration (especially as Netflix outbid Friend-of-Trump Paramount). 

That review could go in any direction but things to watch for include (a) Trump reviving his threat to levy tariffs on foreign movies and the offshore shooting of Hollywood blockbusters, and/or (b) using the anti-trust hammer to get something that he personally wants, which could be commitments to US-based production or some vanity trophy we can’t imagine right now.

It’s not that Sarandos can’t see that coming. In his press release he said the acquisition would allow Netflix to expand its US based production, a gimme that doesn’t commit him to a rate of new releases equal to “Netflix plus Warner Brothers” but only “Netflix plus a dollar.”

Any Trump-driven re-shoring of studio production could hurt the two offshore leaders of Hollywood production, the UK and Canada (and hurt Hollywood too, but that’s a longer discussion).

Beyond that, the effect on Canadian-owned broadcasting could be massive. Netflix is buying Warner Brothers’ Home Box Office streaming service and catalogue which may or may not be integrated into the Netflix platform, once subscription pricing is figured out. The press release suggests HBO content will be on the Netflix platform, at least in the US. 

Here in Canada, there is no HBO streaming service and Bell Media holds the exclusive license to distribute HBO on the only Canadian streaming service of consequence, Crave TV.

You would have to question whether Netflix has any interest in continuing that Canadian licensing arrangement when it expires and, in fact, Netflix has an excellent opportunity to severely wound its only Canadian-owned competitor.

Without that profitable HBO content, Bell’s ability to keep funding Canadian content takes a big hit. 

***

Canada has a new Heritage minister, Marc Miller.

That’s the fallout from Steven Guilbeault’s cabinet resignation over Prime Minister Mark Carney scrapping the Trudeau/Guilbeault policies on oil production, emissions, pipelines, oil tankers and clean energy regulations.

Miller continues a long tradition of the Liberals appointing an MP from the island of Montréal to the Heritage portfolio.

But of course Miller is the first anglophone the Libs have picked for that job since Hamilton’s Shiela Copps —-who was born ready to butt heads with the US on cultural sovereignty. She did the job from 1996 to 2003 under Prime Minister Jean Chrétien. 

The feisty Miller is prone to speaking with candour, as a rule. That’s already got him into a spat with CAQ premier François Legault who didn’t like Miller insisting on making a distinction between “the decline” and “fragility” of the French language in Canada and Québec. The Bloc dutifully piled on.

Guilbeault was the federal champion of Canadian and French language content in Québec and as the new Heritage minister no less will be expected of Miller. His life will get very interesting in about six months when CUSMA negotiations begin.

Will Miller become the political reincarnation of Shiela Copps? It’s up to Mark Carney, just as it was up to Jean Chrétien.

***

It looks like the CRTC’s investigation into whether Meta is selectively enforcing its made-in-Canada ban on news content has come an end. The CRTC’s brief discharge letter to Meta was published last week.

You can still find news items on Facebook and Instagram in Canada, despite Meta’s avowal that it banned news to take itself outside of the scope of the compulsory licensing of “news content” in the Online News Act.

Meta must have satisfied the Commission staff that it is sticking to its ban by taking down news items posted by Canadian users and by deleting user screenshots of articles. If you want to know how the Commission reached its conclusion, you won’t find it in the letter. 

What remains unresolved, or perhaps resolved only to the Commission’s private satisfaction, is Meta permitting posts from news outlets like Narcity and The Peak who successfully applied to Meta for what they describe as “exemptions” from the news content ban.

Without more transparency, one can only guess if Meta’s exemption of hand picked news outlets violates the statutory prohibition against digital platforms discriminating for or against selected news outlets. 

In the case of Narcity, its publisher claimed that Meta granted an exemption because Narcity was refused certification for federal journalism labour tax credits on the grounds that it doesn’t publish enough original news on current affairs. 

But certification for federal subsidies program doesn’t mean that a news outlet isn’t producing some news content, or pieces of news content, as defined by the Online News Act, which Meta says its banning to avoid paying for it. 

The Peak also recently announced that Meta gave it “an exemption” and I invite you to have a look at the news articles it’s allowed to post on Facebook and Instagram.

If you go looking, keep in mind that the “news content” that Meta is supposed to be banning in order to escape the gravitational pull of the Act includes “any portion” of news content. 

The Commission’s original inquiry into the news ban appears to have been its own idea, so the fact that it hasn’t published its reasons at any length is not a total surprise. No Canadian news organization has filed a complaint. 

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.

Catching Up on MediaPolicy – Ranting about CanCon – Danish news subsidies – Meta lobbies Feds on age verification – the NFB’s gripping sailing documentary

November 29, 2025

I’ve fallen behind on catching you up on media policy news because I felt compelled to write a series of three posts commenting on the CRTC’s ruling on Canadian content. The last one, the rant I promised, was published this week in Cartt.ca.

While I was ranting, one of the things I let slide was telling you about a new report out of Denmark proposing to refashion its policy design for government aid to news journalism.

The Danes are serious about news subsidies: they spend 540 million krone ($120M CDN) every year on private media in nation of six million people (Canada spends about $200 million in country of 42 million).

According to the Reuters Oxford Digital News Report, Denmark’s “public trust in media” score is 56% and it ranks sixth out of 180 in the Reporters Without Borderspress freedom index at 86.93. By comparison, Canada’s trust score is 39% with a press freedom index of 78.5, 21st in the world.

The Danes also have something we don’t: a 2018 Media Liability law that established an independent national press council and conferred the force of law on editorial independence from ownership. 

The Danish subsidy report was commissioned by government and written by a committee led by Rasmus Nielsen, the former chief of the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism.

Despite the ocean separating us, there are strong parallels between the Danish system of news subsidy and Canada’s jigsaw of federal programs: we have the QCJO subsidy of journalist salaries, the Local Journalism Initiative that funds 700 full time reporters in under-serviced regions across the country, and the Canadian Periodical Fund which supports editorial expenditures by community weeklies. 

The untranslated 144-page Danish report covers a lot of ground, but Nielsen’s own English language summary of it captures the essence: a weighted emphasis on supporting news outlets that are regional, local or “independent” (owners of single-titles) rather than mere incumbency as a news organization. 

***

The Senate deliberations of Senatrice Julie Miville-Dechêne’s Bill S-209, that would require age verification for online pornography is on hold until February while the Senate justice committee deals with other matters.

During the pause, the Canadian Press reports that Meta has joined the fray by lobbying the federal Liberals to step in with their own bill that would shift the age verification responsibility from pornography websites and social media platforms to app stores.

Meta obviously doesn’t run an App Store, as do Google and Apple, and the latter two Big Tech companies are cheesed about what Meta is up to.

Meanwhile, Canadian children continue to be exposed to online pornography featuring choking and slapping. The CP story is well done and informative.

Meta is having a good month of course. It won the anti-trust trial brought by the US Justice Department that claimed Meta was running a monopoly in personal social networking. In the interim five year period between filing and judgment, TikTok greatly improved its market share.

Matt Stoller has a very good analysis of the lawsuit, the trial, the judge, and why he thinks Big Tech will never be slowed down by anti-trust litigation: he says it takes public policy and legislatures to change things.

A test of his theory may happen soon: the trial judge in the Google Ad Tech case will be handing down her decision on whether to dismantle that illegal monopoly in the new year.

Meanwhile a consortium of US school boards just filed a new lawsuit against Meta and several other Tech companies.

Their allegation against Meta in particular is that company documents reveal CEO Mark Zuckerberg squelched evidence of harm to teenage girls while Meta designed lax safety features, including ineffective measures to expel sex traffickers from the platform. Of course, the allegations must be proven in court, probably over several years.

This does raise the question of whether Americans (and Canadians) should count on US courts to adjudicate Big Tech’s excesses by giving full due process and demanding conclusive evidence of the allegations, or whether governments should just cut to the chase, stop litigating whether the harms to kids persist, and legislate a solution.

In related stories, Australia’s social media ban on under 16s comes into force in December. The EU Parliament just passed a non-binding resolution to do the same.

***

The National Film Board’s website is recommending “Ghosts of the Sea,” a riveting documentary about the ill-fated Norwegian father-and-son sailors, Peter and Thomas Tangvald.

The filmmaker is Thomas’ half sister Virginia, who settled in her mother’s hometown of Montreal. The father Peter was married seven times and two of his wives died at sea.

I’ll say this: the film offers a visceral take on “intergenerational trauma.”

I think you will enjoy the one hour and 37 minute film and I absolutely guarantee you’ll have strong opinions afterwards. 

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.

The CRTC’s ruling on television copyright: for a branch-plant CanCon economy

November 27, 2025

In October 2022 Netflix was appearing at the Senate committee reviewing the proposed Bill C-11, the Online Streaming Act, when the Conservative senator Fabian Manning pitched a softball question: what was the Hollywood giant’s “main priority” in amending a bill it didn’t welcome?

The Canadian spokesperson for the streamer was succinct in his answer: “If I had to choose just one, it would be the issue of copyright ownership.”

Last week, Netflix got what it wanted

Continue reading at Cartt.ca…

What did the CRTC just do to CanCon?

November 22, 2025

Earlier this week the CRTC released a major ruling on Canadian content. MediaPolicy provided a quick bottom line reaction but you could do just as well with any of the many media reports.

More depth of analysis is called for but I’m going to do that over two posts.

Today I was going to go on a rant. But I will save that for the next post, because I think those interested in policy supporting Canadian television drama often find themselves in a situation not unlike a novice driver raising the hood of a car engine to gape at a maze of parts. An explainer might help, so here goes, with the opinionating to follow.

The important thing to get about the CanCon engine is that the interconnected parts include Canadian broadcasters, government agencies, Hollywood streamers and independent Canadian filmmakers who collectively follow CRTC regulations that put Canadian television dramas on a screen to be enjoyed by a Canadian audience whose dollars rarely cover the costs of those shows.

As a general rule CanCon is unprofitable in our modestly populated country. If we had a population of 340 million, we wouldn’t need a CanCon policy.

That’s why as a matter of Canadian cultural policy we offer production subsidies bankrolled by Canadian cable companies as well as federal and provincial governments. It’s the feds and the provinces that put up most of the money. 

At the heart of the CanCon engine are the “independent” Canadian TV and filmmakers—by law, independently-owned at arms length from Canadian broadcasters— who make Canadian drama and comedy and sell it to broadcasters and, coming soon, to Hollywood streamers too. 

As a matter of Canadian cultural policy it’s the Canadian producers, and only them, who get the subsidies that make up half of filming budgets (though eligible for these subsidies, the broadcasters rarely make their own dramas in-house). Federal policy aptly describes the independents as the vital cog in the broadcasting machine.

Living hand to mouth in relative anonymity, these modestly capitalized enterprises have been the creative force behind CanCon for decades, at least as important as the big broadcasters whom the public knows better. As far as television drama is concerned, the broadcasting engine runs on the content the independents make. 

Until now, we haven’t had a Hollywood-style system for making Canadian television dramas. No wannabe studio giants here. The Canadian independents are many and mostly small, moving from project to project, slowly building a sustainable business, locked into frenemy relationships with the Canadian broadcasters who buy their stuff.

But those Canadian broadcasters, big and small, are on their way down, if not out (watch this space). 

Netflix and the streamers are increasingly on top. The federal Liberals’ Online Streaming Act, Bill C-11, was the engine overhaul necessary if the ascendant streamers are to be recruited to finance and distribute Canadian drama, filling the growing void for that programming that results from Canadian broadcasters steadily losing cable subscribers and advertising revenue.

The streamers are not willing conscripts to the cause. Just ask them. They despise the mandatory cash contributions to Canadian media funds that subsidize television dramas and local news.

But making their own Canadian content might be something the streamers could live with. This recent CRTC ruling was about setting the conditions for that.

From their point of view, the streamers would like total freedom of action to make Canadian content on their own terms. Those terms include hiring the creative talent they want and dictating commercial terms to the independent Canadian production houses they engage to make the content. The CRTC is trying to bend to the streamers’ desires without the regulatory engine seizing up.

On hiring the top creative talent that drive a production, the CRTC has long sponsored the famous ten-point headcount that certifies dramas as CanCon, a certification that the broadcasters need in order to meet the CRTC’s quotas for CanCon spending. 

Until this week, that headcount system was straightforward enough. The idea is that in the long run Canadian talent will make Canadian content, without a need for a state-arbitrated test of “what is Canadian.”

The ten points recognize up to eight talent roles: Director (2 points), Screenwriter (2 points), first and second lead actors, cinematographer, art director, music composer and picture editor. 

If a production house hires enough Canadians to rack up at least six points, the CRTC certifies their program. In addition to the six-point talent, the CRTC requires the producer —the quarterback of the entire production who does the hiring and approves the scripts— to be a Canadian and demonstrably in charge of the creative team without interference from investors. As well, 75% of the set production and post-production payroll must be paid to Canadian workers.

There are equally compelling cultural arguments to leave this system alone, or to change it up. Last week, the CRTC changed it up, although much of it might seem mundane at first glance. 

There’s a new category of Showrunner (2 points), a recognition of the Hollywood practice of a putting a hybrid writer/producer in charge of a production. The screenwriter’s guild ain’t thrilled, but the CRTC is just adapting to reality. 

There’s an ecumenical nod towards giving points for hiring a Canadian behind-the-screen team of hair, make-up and costume designers. Collectively, a Canadian team can earn one point.

Ditto, the CRTC is now adding the special effects director to its approved list. 

In a move towards critics who believe that certification of Canadian content ought to be less about the nationality of talent and more about the Canadian narrative, look and feel of the story, the Commission is giving points for visibly Canadian locales, landscapes, and characters.

It’s also giving credit for dramas based on Canadian novels as well as soundtracks featuring a majority of previously recorded Canadian songs.

All of this Canadianography earns “bonus” points, shorthand for saying that a more effusively Canadian drama can be certified as CanCon with less Canadian talent.

This was an unexpected development, as the Commission’s preliminary view published last year was that it wasn’t going to do this. However the Commission cites the feedback from a public opinion poll it commissioned and interprets as supporting a popular desire for more classically Canadian stories. 

With a longer list of roles into which Canadian hires are credited towards CanCon certification, the Commission expanded the 10 point test to as much as a 14 point test, but made it scaleable (smaller productions might combine roles) up or down: so long as 60% of the roles are filled by Canadians, the spirit of the old six out of ten test is met.

But crucially the importance of Canadian directors, writers and actors has been diluted. This will please the Hollywood streamers who can be expected to tell the Canadian independent producers that if they want the commission they will hire more of the streamers’ key Hollywood people. 

There are however more seismic changes afoot and let me draw the connection between those big moves and the incremental amendments to the point system. 

First, the all-powerful producer who pilots the production, approves the script, and hires the six-point creative team might not have to be Canadian after all.

In this newest CRTC ruling, when Netflix commissions a CanCon project and insists upon taking a majority copyright position in the production, which it will do routinely, the lead producer can be an American so long as two of the three junior producers are Canadian. 

That brings us to the second big change: the Canadian ownership of copyright and intellectual property in a drama production.

This is a bit of long winded explanation but stick with me and follow the money.

Until now the Commission has never bothered with any rules regulating ownership of copyright in a production.

In the past the Commission didn’t need to impose Canadian ownership on the control of copyright in a CanCon program because all the financing partners were Canadian: the independent producer selling the show, the broadcaster commissioning the show, the federal and provincial governments providing the first layers of subsidy for the show and the public-private Canada Media Fund providing the second layer.

The Media Fund and Canadian governments that control the CanCon subsidies want to support the capitalization and long term viability of the independents. They insist that the independent producer —not its broadcast partner— must own 100% of the copyright and intellectual property flowing from the production. 

The Media Fund supercharges that by green-lighting its subsidy only if hiring of Canadians on a production is a full ten points out of ten. Since the Media Fund subsidy is crucial to CanCon financing, ten points becomes the norm even if the CRTC and federal subsidies only require six.

But since the CRTC has never been in charge of subsidies and is only concerned with getting Canadian content to broadcasting screens, its thinking was that one Canadian media business is as good as another, be it an independent producer or broadcaster.

Then we decided to regulate the US streamers. Oops, now the CRTC needs a copyright rule.

The new reality is that if the CRTC is going to require the streamers to spend money making CanCon, the streamers are going to want as much control of the return on their investment across Canada and a global audience as they can get. That return comes from domestic release, global release, long term residency in the Netflix library, control of spin-offs and sequels, trademark revenue, etc. 

That means three things are important: copyright, copyright and copyright. 

When Netflix appeared before Parliamentary committees considering Bill C-11, the Online Streaming Act, its Canadian policy director bluntly stated that the amendment Netflix wanted the most was copyright ownership of the CanCon it would be required to commission.

He then disarmingly claimed that the streamer wouldn’t necessarily want majority ownership of every CanCon production it commissioned ——even though it does exactly that when commissioning US shows that are shot in Canada. 

The Commission knew it had to find a balance between Netflix’s commercial interests and the viability of Canadian independents, the standard bearers for cultural production. The question was, where to strike the compromise?

Last week it struck that compromise by offering the streamers one of three options: 100% Canadian ownership of copyright, minority American ownership, and majority American ownership (to a maximum of 80%).

The first bucket of 100% Canadian ownership is status quo, allowing for the tweaks to the six-point rule. 

The minority US ownership bucket means that Netflix can choose a non-Canadian lead producer although technically the Canadian production house retains an equal share of creative control.

The majority US ownership bucket obviously means that Netflix effectively owns the show and the lion’s share of its success. The only price it must pay is to move up from six to eight points (or 80%) on hiring Canadians with the aid of Canadianography points, hairstylists, make up artists, etc.

Chart from Canadian Media Producers Association, circulated to its members

Nevertheless it’s important to mark this mental footnote: the new CRTC copyright rule does not apply to subsidies controlled by Canadian governments and the Canada Media Fund, at least for now. As mentioned above, those rules currently guarantee that the Canadian independent owns the copyright, in fact for 25 years. But the streamers can ignore those federal copyright rules if they forego the subsidies.

What does the CRTC copyright rule mean when it comes to making money on a show? 

“Copyright” is just the price of admission to commercial negotiations over profit sharing that is supposed to match investment to the return on that investment. Still, whomever controls the majority of copyright holds the hammer in negotiations over splitting profits and return on investment, often described as the long term commercial exploitation of intellectual property.

It’s perhaps unknowable how much extra muscle that gives the deep pocketed Netflix than it currently flexes as an equity investor in the occasional CanCon production (for example, CBC/APTN’s North of North). 

But copyright is an undeniably important part of leverage in commercial negotiation, which is why Netflix tried so hard but unsuccessfully to persuade Parliamentarians to guarantee streamer copyright interests in Bill C-11. 

Conversely, the Canadian independents wanted Parliament to guarantee full Canadian ownership. The final text of the bill genuflected support for the independents’ interests, but provided no guarantees, handing the difficult task of balancing interests to the CRTC.

Now that the CRTC has opened the door to the streamers’ majority ownership of copyright —expect them to rush through it at pace— the question is whether the CRTC will allow Netflix and Hollywood to dictate commercial terms to Canadian independents, treating them in effect as employees on wages set by the studios. 

The Commission is hardly unaware of the problem, addressing it in this crucial paragraph:

The Commission adopts the following guiding principles in negotiations among production partners: 

Fair compensation and exploitation: Ensure that remuneration, rights, and revenues are allocated in a way that fairly reflects the financial and human contributions to the production, while ensuring Canadian producers retain significant, equitable control and benefit from long-term exploitation. 

Good-faith negotiation: Production partners negotiate in good faith.

The Commission may assess the effectiveness of these non-binding principles in the future. (emphasis added).

In other words, Netflix be nice.

More on this in a further post.

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.

Spotify v. CanCon, starring Bryan Adams

November 3, 2024

I was never into Bryan Adams’ music

It might have been the look, the leather jacket. Or the bubble gum lyrics. 

Okay, he could write a tune. Twenty Juno awards. A Grammy. 48th on the all-time Billboard 100. The international chart-topping Waking Up the Neighbours album in 1991.

But he never wrote The Canadian Railroad Trilogy. Or Bobcaygeon. Or Know Yourself. Or Les Étoiles Filantes.

He did have a thing or two to say about the CRTC’s definition of a Canadian song for radio-play quotas. 

When his songs from Neighbours didn’t qualify as Canadian because of a Seventies-era rule about Canadians collaborating with international talent in the co-writing of music and lyrics —his songs got plenty of radio play regardless— he got mad. His manager got even madder. He was the performing artist of the songs. For pete’s sake, he was a recipient of the Order of Canada. He was insulted. 

His anger got the better of him. “I never thought much about CanCon anyway,” he said. “I always thought that it did nothing but breed mediocrity.” 

Government, Adams said, should just stay out of the music industry.

The epilogue was that CRTC caved and changed the songwriting ruleMore recently in 2022, the Commission announced a further relaxation of it.

Adams jumped into the culture debate again in May 2024 (days prior to a major CRTC ruling on music streaming), releasing a video pre-emptively opposing the application of Canadian content rules to streaming.

A few months later and now he’s posted on Instagram as the celebrity face of the public campaign launched by the global streamers attacking the CRTC’s five per cent “streaming tax” on Spotify, Apple, Amazon Prime, YouTubeMusic and the major platforms. 

So why is a Canadian icon headlining for Big Music? 

The answer to that question is an opportunity to evaluate what’s happening for Canadian music at the CRTC and what it means for Canadian artists and audiences.

***

On June 4th this year the streamers and the big music labels were angered when the CRTC announced its ruling on “initial basic contributions.” Those are cash levies from Canadian operating revenues, to be paid out by the big video and audio streamers to various Canadian media subsidy funds.

Netflix, Disney and the other Hollywood streamers were assessed a five per cent cash contribution (although in the end it’s a 3.5% levy). The bill is over $100 million annually.

As for music streamers like industry-leader Spotify, it’s the full five per cent of Canadian revenues, a $60 million per year payment collectively owed by the major music platforms.

The CRTC justified the 3.5 % levy on video streamers by linking it to the five per cent paid every year by Canadian cable television companies, beginning in 1995 as contributions to the Cable Production Fund, the forerunner of today’s Canada Media Fund that helps to finance Canadian television shows. After years of steady decline, cable TV contributions to the CMF were still $165 million last year:

But on the music side of the house, the CRTC only assesses a modest one-half per cent levy on Canadian radio stations. As an outlier, the CRTC explicitly requires satellite radio operator Sirius Canada to pay four per cent because the Canadian content quotas for Sirius are so much lighter than radio.

In reaction to June 4th, the music streamers went a little bug-eyed

It’s tough for them to make the case they can’t afford it: the Swedish-owned Spotify is no longer sacrificing profits for market share, has cut costs, raised prices and is making good money now. The other leading streamers Apple, Amazon and YouTube are owned by Big Tech.

Nonetheless, the streamers had asked the CRTC that they pay nothing —more precisely Spotify told the CRTC it was hoping for “a very low basic fee”— and here the Commission was hitting them up for cash at ten times the rate paid by Canadian radio businesses. A similar levy in France is 1.2 % of revenues and 2.4% in Spain (in the latter case, extracted from the music labels’ share of streamers’ revenue).

The CRTC did not offer much of an explanation of the tenfold disparity between radio’s 0.5% and the streamers’ 5%. Nor did the Commission explain why in the first place it was calibrating the streamers’ contributions to Canadian music funds to a television fund. The Commission’s main point seemed to be the money was, well, needed for a declining pool of radio operators’ cash contributions —from $60M to $40M in the last ten years— to important musician development funds FACTOR and Starmaker; and their French-language counterparts Musicaction and Fonds RadioStar. Divided up among several media funds including the newly established Indigenous Music Office, the $60 million from the streamers fills that $20 million hole:

And so, the streamer campaign against the CRTC levy was launched.

First, the music streamers appealed the CRTC levy to Federal Court, a litigation they are unlikely to win but might delay the payment of the levy.

Next came public announcements from the streamers and the big music labels resisting regulatory proposals, whether it’s cash payments to media funds or Canadian song quotas. 

Then on September 30th came the campaign to rile music consumers, “Scrap the Streaming Tax,” pushed out on streaming platforms and social media. 

The ongoing campaign is organized by the US Digital Media Association (DiMA) which counts Spotify, Amazon, Apple and YouTube among its members. Says it’s CEO Graham Davies:

The streaming tax needs to be scrapped because Canadians are already feeling the pinch from rising inflation and economic pressures. The addition of a streaming tax is an unnecessary burden. This tax is not only a financial strain on consumers, but it also undermines the role that streaming services have played in promoting Canadian culture and artists and enabling the music sector’s investment in talent. 

Of course, DiMA had anticipated the CRTC’s June 4th ruling, lining up support in US Congress to make sabre-rattling threats about trade retaliation against Canada before anyone knew how much the “streaming tax” would be. Spotify promised price increases in response to any streaming levy.

The price increase came the day after campaign launch. Spotify’s June 3, 2024 American price increase was held back and not implemented Canada until October 1st when it was announced at 15%. 

A week later on October 9th, the campaign unleashed its star power: a new social media post from Bryan Adams. His “scrap the tax” message (not to be confused with Pierre Poilievre’s ‘axe the tax’) also suggested he hasn’t got rid of the stone in his shoe about CanCon co-writing rules:

The Canadian Government’s new music streaming tax is gonna cost you MORE to listen to the music you love on line.

A while back, the minister Heritage said she wanted to engage with artists about this new tax. Well, that never happened. No calls, no meetings—nothing. And now they’ve slipped this new tax through – wanna know where your money’s gonna go?
I’ll tell you – It’s going to prop up outdated broadcasting models such as CanCon, which were originally built to help Canadian creators.

And CanCon needs to change, not be propped up. For example, the way it’s set up now, if an artist decides they want to work with a non-Canadian – then the work is no longer recognised as Canadian, and therefore radio stations are less likely to play it.

How does this help Canadian artists – particularly emerging ones? It doesn’t, these rules just make it harder for new artists to breakthrough and share music on a global scale.

Canadians deserve better. Scrap the tax / and change the rules. Because music…is global.

***

CRTC music regulation —what Adams is referencing as “CanCon”—is about more than co-writing rules.

Regulation of media enterprises operating in Canada has two goals. The first is to subsidize the production of Canadian video and audio entertainment, either through program spending commitments by the enterprises or the payment of cash levies to “media funds” that distribute them to independent Canadian television producers or musicians who make content. 

The second goal is content “discoverability,” meaning that the videos and songs made by those Canadians are given an extra push so they appear on consumers’ radars. 

In music, radio stations do a lot of discoverability. The CRTC gives them Canadian airplay quotas: 35% on commercial radio (and 65% French language selections from Canadian and global sources on French radio) and 50% on the CBC. Before streaming, radio was the major venue for emerging Canadians bands to gain an audience. So far no one has put a dollar figure to it, but it’s uncontroversial to say that the exposure of radio is worth a lot more to Canadian musicians than cash from the one-half per cent of revenues that radio operators pay to media funds. Ultimately, Canadian radio stations provide considerably more to Canadian music in exposure than the $40 million to development funds.

There are exceptions to the one-half per cent: the multi-channel format of satellite radio isn’t friendly to airplay quotas, so the CRTC license for Sirius Radio favours cash payments (four per cent of revenues) over quotas.

The foreign music streamers walked into this regulated Canadian world and told the CRTC they wanted to do neither cash nor discoverability. Where Netflix grudgingly conceded it would cough up two per cent, the music streamers offering nothing. On discoverability, the streamers all said the same thing: our consumer-centred song and playlist recommendations and curation are sacrosanct. We won’t change them for anybody. 

So, what about Canadian music’s opportunities in the digital age? When the debate over regulating music streaming was mooted in Parliamentary committees in 2022, Gord Sinclair of The Tragically Hip described the Kingston Ontario band’s regulatory-fueled exposure as the difference between Canadians making a living at music, or not:

Over the years, we wrote some good songs, we worked hard and we had great fans, but in the beginning we were beneficiaries of CanCon, the partnership between private broadcasters and government. This was not a handout. For us, it was a leg-up. With the help of our managers, we recorded an EP and got signed to a label and, with their help, we were able to get some airplay on radio. That gave us enough exposure across the country to take the show on the road, as so many great Canadian entertainers have done.

Canadians excel at live performance. The sheer size of the country is our greatest asset. The road is long and hard, with vast distances between gigs. You can’t have a day job and aspire to be a performer in Canada. You either learn to love the life and your travelling companions or you break up. The late great Ronnie Hawkins always said that Canadians have to work 10 times as hard to get a tenth as far.

The artists who do endure have honed their talent to a very high standard. Canadian musicians are seasoned travelers. They’ve learned to play live and to live on the road, and that’s what sets us apart. Somehow, during the years and hours of staring out the van window at granite and black spruce, you discover what it means to be a Canadian. You realize that despite its size, distinct regions and communities, there is more that binds us together in this country than separates us. The Hip wrote songs from that perspective. Many of them resonated with our fellow Canadians and enjoy enduring popularity.

Through the travel, the space, the time and the weather, the songwriter searches for meaning and what gives us a common identity. Nations create and preserve themselves through the stories they tell. Words set to rhythm and melodies are our stories. They allowed us to enjoy a long fruitful career until Gord Downie’s untimely death.

Walt Whitman wrote, “The proof of a poet is that his country absorbs him as affectionately as he has absorbed it.” In 2022, five years after the loss of Leonard Cohen and Gord, we must ask ourselves where our next generation of poets will come from. How can we help them discover themselves?

Times change. In the 30 years that the Hip were performing, we went from producing vinyl records and cassettes to CDs, videos and DATs through Napster, and to iTunes and YouTube, and now to streaming and its dominant platform, Spotify. Through it all, until recently, there have been live shows to make ends meet, but people no longer buy the physical products our industry produces. In the digital age, people haven’t given up on music—just the idea of paying for it. That business model is unsustainable.

We are all stakeholders of the arts, and the future has never been more dire. For years, traditional broadcasters, in partnership with the federal government, have helped develop and sustain Canadian recording artists. The Canada Music Fund provides critical support for music in this country. What will happen if that funding disappears?

Gord Downie wrote in our song Morning Moon that if “something’s too cheap, somebody’s paying something”. Every song ever recorded can now be streamed for less than $10 a month. The somebodies in this case will be the future you and me when we realize that we’ve undervalued the contribution of Canadian musicians and songwriters.

There is no better art form to preserve, promote and export our culture than music, but after two years of pandemic-induced venue closures and cancelled performances, our domestic industry is in peril. Artists must see a glimmer of hope for a career in music or they will simply give up. Where will our next Joni Mitchell come from if we abandon our young artists? Artistic development takes time. 

If we don’t actually value something at a level necessary to sustain it, it will surely disappear.

Streaming is here to stay, but the platforms and ISPs must contribute to the long-term health of the arts in some way. They must look on it as an investment. Streaming is a great way for artists to have their material heard, to discover new music and to be discovered, but in an industry that has seen the majority of its revenue streams disappear, how can an artist earn a living? Streaming can help, but regulations must adapt to allow Canadian culture to flourish in the digital age. It has to begin at home.

Ditto, says the Québec-based music industry.

From the first day of public debate over the Online Streaming Act, spokespersons for French-language music organizations pointed to the drastic underconsumption of French-language music in Québec relative to the provincial population of native French speakers. 

Across Canada, only 2.8% of music streams were French language songs, despite 22% of Canadians being native French speakers. Only 122 songs from Québec were among the 10,000 most played tracks in Canada. 

Inside the language citadel of Québeconly 8.6% of streams were French language, including foreign bands, despite the province being populated 80% by French speakers. The dismal rate of stream consumption was compared to 50% of physical format music sales in Québec being French language.

The Québec spokespersons attributed this to the streamers’ algorithms and their lack of active measures to close the gap through song curation or user recommendations.

The major streaming services and music labels have never addressed this “French language problem” in any public forum. Recently, the publicist for the “scrap the streaming tax” coalition said that consumption of French language music is up globally (impliedly representing an export opportunity for Québec artists). For Canada, she simply noted the top French language songs streamed in Canada are by Canadian bands:

From streaming industry publicist

Unfortunately, Spotify’s spokesperson did not respond to MediaPolicy’s follow up inquiry asking about the French language consumption gap.

The streamers are dug in, not just against paying regulatory fares but against any tinkering or tweaking their curation or recommendations. A defence of their position was provided this summer by Will Page, the Scottish-born economist who worked for Spotify for seven years. 

In a July 8th appearance on Michael Geist’s podcast, Page said Canadian musicians are doing well on Spotify finding a global audience, which is what the platform is about. 

But within the Canadian market, homegrown bands recently captured a mere 900 out of the top 10,000 songs. An underwhelming result, said Page, but he pointed out that Canadian superstars like Drake, Justin Bieber and The Weeknd overrepresent Canada in the top tranche of music consumption. He said these conflicting results on overall Canadian “presence” versus superstar “prominence” are an “intuitive trade off.” He did not explain whether he means “one out of two ain’t bad” or that it’s an axiomatic choice driven by the laws of music consumption. Still, there’s “wiggle room” to have both presence and prominence, he said, “but don’t fool yourself that you can have both.”

Unfortunately, Page did not address the deficit in consumption of French language music on streaming platforms (Page did not respond to a series of MediaPolicy questions about his podcast presentation).

He did note that Canadian Punjabi language artists are hitting it over the fence by using the global platform to reach into the Indian market and, you guessed it, that is another “trade off.”

The discussion of song discoverability on the global platforms inevitably opens up a debate over algorithmic-driven curation and song recommendations. Page acknowledged that the closely guarded corporate secrets of algorithms are “a black box” that even he doesn’t fully understand. But he still argued against regulators asking platforms to tweak them to increase consumption of Canadians songs.

Black box or not, Page knew enough to explain the “slipstream” coding of platform algorithms, that they’re good at matching the music appeal of an unknown band with a famous band, thereby pushing undiscovered music to the bigger audience. “If you had geoblocking” of foreign music entering Canada over the Internet, he said, you couldn’t match to more successful bands outside of Canada. (No one has proposed geo-blocking music on the Canadian Internet.)

You only “get one bite at the cherry” Page continued: the algorithm can’t pair a small Canadian band to both a bigger Canadian band and a well-known foreign band. He didn’t say if he saw this inside the black box.

Whatever is in the black box, the streaming platforms aren’t giving tours. Like Fight Club, the first rule of commercial algorithms is, don’t talk about algorithms. 

A regulator that was willing to take bold steps on the discoverability of Canadian music would first take two relatively easy steps when faced with the platforms’ array of consumer-controlled, human-curated, and algorithm-driven music services as illustrated in this chart created by Page for Music Canada:

For human-curated services (editorial, algotorial, station/radio) operated by the streamers’ song pickers, Canadian radio quotas would be mapped over to streaming in some form. 

On the other end of the spectrum, no regulator is going to touch services that exist for consumers to pick their own “user curated” music.

It’s the middle path —algorithm-driven song selection and recommendations— that makes for regulatory controversy.

But at least in English-speaking Canada, no one of influence is beating down the CRTC’s door asking for regulation of algorithms. The streamers, global music labels, and even the independent Canadian music labels are all on the same page: hey, leave those streamer algorithms alone.

In Québec, it’s a consensus in the opposite direction: algorithms are not sacred, English Canadian hang-ups about them are silly, and regulatory efforts are needed to close the French-language consumption gap. The province’s nationalist CAQ government is publicly committed to introducing legislation in 2025 that, in some fashion, will address the problem. Meanwhile industry representatives are asking the CRTC to do its own empirical study of the consumption gap in preparation for public hearings on music discoverability (current data from Luminate does not include YouTube’s user-uploaded songs and playlists).

So far, the federal Liberals are ducking the issue. After surviving the political theatre that characterized Parliamentary debate over the possibility of regulating YouTube’s video curation, Ottawa (or at least the Prime Minister’s office) has no appetite for that kind of a fight over music. A cabinet order to the CRTC in December 2023 encouraged the CRTC to butt out of algorithms, something the Commission was already inclined to do. This regulatory shyness ignores a stark policy mandate from Parliament in Bill C-11 for streamers to make song recommendations for Canadian songs, in both official languages:

Whether it’s from Ottawa or Québec City, we haven’t heard the last of debate over the consumption gap in French-language music. 

***

In the end there are two reasons why Canadians and the CRTC pay attention to what the music streamers are doing for Canadian music.

The first is cultural: do we want Canadian audiences to have a real opportunity to notice, consume and hopefully enjoy the music produced by Canadian artists?

The second is also cultural, but first appears as industrial policy: are there enough Canadian artists earning enough money to make a career out of music? This was what The Tragically Hip’s Gord Sinclair spoke passionately about to Members of Parliament considering the Online Streaming Act.

This bottom-line concern about musician incomes is reflected in many regulatory debates in Parliament and the CRTC, even though strictly speaking the Broadcasting Act (as amended by the Online Streaming Act) is concerned with the supply and exposure of Canadian music, not the welfare of Canadian musicians.

Most music consumers are well aware that global streaming platforms can be credited with saving the music industry from the catastrophe of pirated and illegal music distribution. But streaming completely rearranged market share, earnings, delivery platforms and every other aspect of the music industry.

In the graphic below prepared by Will Page tracking Canadian music earnings, one can follow the steep demise and recovery of music revenues over two decades (although inflation is not accounted for) thanks to streaming revenue taking over from physical formats and downloads. CRTC data backs this up change in the online audio market: in 2014, downloads enjoyed 83% of the action compared to 17% for streaming and, by 2023, it reversed to the point that streaming owned 97% of the online market in contrast to 3% for downloads.

The money earned from radio play (within ‘neighbouring rights’ income) remains a secondary and modest source of earnings:

How are musicians faring

detailed study completed in 2021 (based on 2019 data) by economist Gerry Wall noted that results are heavily skewed towards a few superstars like The Weeknd, Drake, Shawn Mendes and Justin Bieber, all signed to major music labels, who claimed 90% of Canadian streams. Among seven million global artists on streaming platforms, one in a thousand artists earned $100,000 USD or more from streaming revenue, annually (although streamers don’t pay musicians directly, they pay rights holders that have contracts with musicians). 

A more useful earnings benchmark might be the average industrial salary of $65,000 CDN, assuming that’s closer to the figure needed to keep musicians pursuing their craft full-time. We are unlikely to get an undisputed account of musician earnings under the streaming business model given that the data is spread among so many private parties.

Nonetheless the musician middle class, concludes the Wall report, has been hollowed out over time. And the situation is worse in Québec. That may be because of the nature of a smaller domestic market: as advocates say, the algorithms reward songs with at least a million streams. That is more difficult to achieve in a smaller market unless French language artists enjoy extraordinary export success in international markets.

***

When Bryan Adams intervened in the CanCon debate with this first political video in May 2024, his punch line was “hey, Justin Trudeau, music is global.”

That’s not quite right.

Music distribution is global.

Music, around the globe, is a kaleidoscope of styles, cultures, and traditions. Adams excels at one of its most lucrative: Anglo-American rock and roll.

Here on northern half of the continent, the music kaleidoscope includes Canada, Québec, Cree and Kahnawake. 

Put that lyric to a beat.

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