Catching Up on MediaPolicy – Streamers spending less in Canada – CPAC gets a raise – Independent TV stations want interim funding – Bloc MP rips Rebel News

Slide from Profile 2025

April 21, 2026

This week the Canadian Media Producers Association released its annual Profile snapshot of how much money is being spent in Canadian video production, both for Canadian content and American shows shot on Canadian soil.

It’s best to draw conclusions from these Profile reports over an arc of multiple years. But there’s no mistaking what is going on.

The numbers are anemic this year and suggest that the lucrative FLS (“foreign location shooting”) business in shooting US shows is a little better than last year but not going to recover to its 2022 peak. 

We are past peak spending by global streamers and the viral FLS growth that Canada enjoyed from in 2015-17 has now, in real terms, appeared to have levelled off. In inflation adjusted dollars, Canada is back at 2018.

Aside from FLS, Canadian content spending is also down, even without taking inflation into account. 

That’s because the CRTC’s required investment and spending requirements for Canadian broadcasters continue to tail off with the decline in earnings. But CanCon investments by US streamers also continue to drop although you wouldn’t know it from parsing the statement that Hollywood’s Motion Picture Association gave to Cartt.ca in response to the CMPA report:

Global studios and streamers, including MPA-Canada member studios, are leading investment in the Canadian film, television, and streaming industry. In addition to driving the majority of production spending and employment in Canada, global studios and streamers have proudly become one of the largest sources of private financing for Canadian productions, providing more financing than the Canada Media Fund (CMF) and Telefilm combined. The report clearly makes the case MPA-Canada’s members have been making for years: global investors are already a vibrant and indispensable capital partner of the Canadian screen sector.

The MPA is making a couple of points here, the first being that Hollywood continues to shoot a lot of US production here in Canada, thanks to our world class facilities and production crews, a low Canadian dollar, and Canadian taxpayer support through subsidies. As I mentioned, FLS has receded to 2018 levels now.

MPA’s other claim is that US studios have proudly become “one of” the largest sources of private financing for Canadian content. That’s certainly a true statement of fact (the other “one of” being Canadian private investment). More to the point, it’s policy hieroglyphics for saying the streamers’ investment largesse ought to win them a mulligan from cash contributions to Canadian media funds, something they are opposing in court.

Revealed in the report’s fine print, streamer investments have declined in the last four years, from $480 million to $408 million in English language production, a 22% drop in real dollars. In French language productions, streamer investment has declined from $13 million to $7 million although the story there is not the decline but the size of the investment.

***

The creaking of the floorboards beneath the feet of publicly funded Canadian television news is getting louder.

In a decision that split the CRTC panel hearing the case, the non-profit parliamentary news channel CPAC finally obtained the increase to its regulator-fixed cable subscriber rate that it has been asking for since July 2024. The rate of 13 cents per monthly subscriber ordered by the Commission in 2018 will go up to 16 cents this fall. All cable companies must absorb the cost within the CRTC-capped price of a basic cable subscription. In an odd twist to the story, CPAC is owned by five cable companies Rogers, Eastlink, Cogeco, Québecor’s Vidéotron, and Access Communications.

Based on its 2024 regulatory filing, CPAC is a $14 million operation and lost $1.38 million in 2024. According to CPAC CEO Christa Dickenson, it’s now a $13 million operation and the three cent bump will bring in $2.8 million.

The Commission reversed itself from a ruling in November 2025 that it was deferring making a decision on the applications from CPAC, TV5 and Vue et Voix for higher subscriber fees because other CRTC panels are seized with the two high level reviews of television and streaming services that were publicly heard in the spring and fall of 2025 and which are due to be published “in the coming months.” Many months later, there remains a graveyard silence on those files.

During that stretch of time, CPAC very publicly warned that it was about to hit a financial wall and its programming was at risk. CPAC broadcasts Parliamentary proceedings as well as occasional coverage of court proceedings, political conventions, conferences and general elections.

What also happened in the intervening time was that nothing was announced for CPAC in the Carney government’s main budget estimates in February. In 2024, the Trudeau administration cut a $5 million cheque to upgrade its equipment. But historically CPAC has only been funded by cable subscriber fees, having been cut adrift from the CBC in the 1990s. It is not licensed to sell advertising. 

Update: Within minutes of publishing this MediaPolicy post, CPAC CEO Christa Dickinson posted on LinkedIn that despite the additional revenue expected from the increase in the subscriber rate, CPAC was cancelling its French and English language evening political shows and laying off 12 staff, including the host Michael Serapio.

***

Another loud floorboard creak just emanated from independently owned local television stations in Québec.

Executives from RNC Media and Télé Inter-Rives are making pleas for the CRTC or the federal government to do something quick about the shortfall in the Independent Local News Fund that supports as much as 70% of newsroom expenses to 17 independent stations across Canada. 

The stations relying on the ILNF media fund have been waiting since CRTC’s 2022 approval of the Rogers-Shaw merger to sort out the consequences of admitting 15 additional Global News stations to the $17 million ILNF pool sponsored by Canadian cable companies. The doubling of stations effectively cuts the news subsidies in half.

The Commission thought it had squared this circle in 2024 by ordering Netflix and the US streamers to inject a further $42 million into the ILNF. But the extra money is in escrow while the streamers fight the levy in court.  

Bloc MP Martin Champoux is advocating for the federal government to step into the breach. He is recommending the federal government extend federal QCJO labour tax credits from the current program supporting only online journalism provided by print publishers to include news websites operated by broadcast companies. The CAQ government in Québec did just that in March with its provincial news subsidies that parallel the federal QCJO program. 

***

It is always entertaining for the discomfitters to be discomfitted. Rebel News editor-in-chief Shiela Gunn Reid was ripped by Bloc MP Champoux at the parliamentary Heritage committee hearings for allowing her boss, Ezra Levant, to spin nonsense about the committee proceedings being “cancelled” to prevent Gunn Reid from speaking.

Karyn Pugliese has the story here.

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2026.

Catching up on MediaPolicy – Miller is flexible on CanCon – WAPO sunk by Trump – CRTC is stil-l-l-l deliberating – ready for Digital Media@Crossroads 2026

AI illustration

January 31, 2026

Last week Heritage Minister Marc Miller walked back the tough talk of his predecessor Steven Guilbeault: cultural issues are no longer “off the table” in the upcoming trade talks with the US and Mexico.

In an interview with The Logic, Miller said Canada would have to be “flexible” in dealing with the US demands that Canada repeal the Online Streaming Act and the Online News Act although there are “lines that can’t be crossed.”

There will be no Davos speeches for Canadian culture. At least not in English. It probably escaped nobody’s notice that Guilbeault’s ultimatum was never repeated by the Prime Minister.

Miller also suggested that Canada needs to design its online harms bill with a clear eyed acknowledgement of Big Tech’s influence in the Trump administration. Miller said “we’re not oblivious to the fact that large American companies do have access to the administration, and colour a lot of the views coming out of the White House when it comes to the way they’re behaving.”

Despite an earlier news story that Miller was considering Australian and French bans on social media accounts for minors, he was quoted by The Logic as undecided about a Canadian ban.

“A simple ban, with doing nothing else, would be overly simplistic and probably wouldn’t achieve the goal that we’re trying to achieve, which is to make sure kids are safe, physically, emotionally and mentally,” he said. In a separate interview with the Globe & Mail, Miller said he was considering online harms legislation that would govern how AI chatbots impacted children.

That sounds very much in line with a new LinkedIn post from McGill University’s Taylor Owen, the most influential voice on online harms in Canada:

The core problem is that tech companies have failed to build safe products, and governments have failed to hold them accountable. Parents and teachers are rightly frustrated and so the impulse toward radical action is understandable.


But a ban treats exclusion as the end goal. It punishes users rather than the products causing harm. It restricts children’s rights rather than enhancing their safety. And when a kid turns 15, they enter an online ecosystem with no protections whatsoever.

Every jurisdiction that has studied this seriously—Australia, the UK, the EU—arrives at the same place: an enforcement body that can hold platforms accountable through risk assessments, mitigation plans, and transparency requirements. Age-appropriate design standards that eliminate targeted ads, auto-scrolling, data harvesting, and stranger contact for minors.

Canada had a bill [C-63] that did much of this. It should be retabled—and updated to include AI chatbots, which are now one of the main sources of consumer safety risk for young people.

(Update 2/2/26: The Globe & Mail published an op-ed by Owen and his colleague Helen Hayes recommending Ottawa proceed with an online harms bill based on a duty to protect children that obliges social media apps and AI chatbots to implement safety procedures. They recommend a moratorium, a temporary ban on underage access until such time that the bill is passed and tech companies have complied).

However, the challenges in legislating an online harms bill in a minority Parliament are considerable.

The Conservatives have a different vision of legislating online safety, preferring to criminalize online harms so the law is enforced by judges and not government regulators.

Unlike the last minority Parliament, the Liberals can’t just make a deal with the NDP to form a House majority to pass an online harms bill. The NDP’s loss of official party status in the 2025 election means they aren’t on Parliamentary committees and can’t team up with the Liberals to break filibusters that bottle up legislation in committee hearings.

The Liberals would need the Bloc Québécois to get them out of that jam.

***

I said there would be no Davos speeches for Canadian culture.

There almost was: Prime Minister Carney’s seven-minute hit at this week’s Prime Time conference sponsored by the Canadian Media Producers Association was funny and spontaneous and, by pointedly celebrating great home grown shows like Heated Rivalry “at this moment,” comes close enough to a bold statement of cultural sovereignty.

***

It would be easy to write a blog about the pyrotechnics going off inside American media so long as one was prepared to post, oh, about every fifteen minutes.

That’s not a segue into an update on the Netflix vs. Paramount bidding for Warner Brothers (although the latest is that Netflix is now making an all-cash bid).

What I am finding interesting is Bari Weiss’ ascendancy at CBS News as the new CEO appointed by Paramount owners David and Larry Ellison (after bagging $150M US for her news website The Free Press).

Unsurprisingly, Weiss is moving CBS news coverage to the right. How far to the right, and how deep into Donald Trump’s embrace, we shall see. There’s a fair amount of moral panic that CBS will just be a Fox News Two, as if the centre and left is not adequately populated by ABC, NBC, CNN and MSNBC. There’s an illuminating NPR story on Weiss’ shake up at CBS, here.

Speaking of NPR, the New York Times published a story noting that the Congressional revocation of federal funding of the now-dissolved Corporation for Public Broadcasting (which provided 15% of NPR and PBS funding) has not resulted in station closings, at least not immediately. For now, donations are filling the gap.

And speaking of the New York Times (and The Washington Post too), data-cruncher extraordinaire Nate Silver posted the following graph on his Substack that measures the news cycle buzz of political coverage:

It seems that the Jeff Bezos-owned WAPO did not get an attention-boosting “Trump bump” after the 2024 US Election but rather is experiencing something more like a “Trump sunk” effect.

Possibly that’s because Bezos alienated some readers by nixing a newsroom editorial endorsement of Kamala Harris and then, after Trump won, cuddled up to the White House. The eyeballs appear to be marching off to the Times.

All of it a damn shame: WAPO is replete with good watchdog journalism.

***

In November, the CRTC issued a major decision about on-screen Canadian content. Two biggies began with a revised point system to define the “Canadian” in Canadian programs under the Online Streaming Act, C-11.

The other opened the door for the first time to foreign streamers owning majority copyright rights in Canadian programs.

The Commission’s November ruling was the first of a two-part decision on video streaming: the crucial issue of streamer expenditures on Canadian programs remains outstanding.

Well, don’t hold your breath.

In a speech to the Canadian Media Producers Association on January 29th, the CRTC’s Broadcasting Vice-Chair said the Commission was not ready to issue new rulings.

“There is still more work to be done, and I cannot tell you exactly what to expect as we continue deliberating,” Nathalie Théberge told the crowd, who might have noted that the Commissioners are still deliberating seven months after hearings concluded.

“What I can tell you, however, is that there will be follow-up decisions in the coming months. This includes decisions to address spending on Canadian programs, distribution rules for services, measures to ensure discoverability of Canadian content, dispute resolution and audio policy.”

The coming months catches the attention. The Commission owes Canadians and the industry the aforementioned Part Two (“spending on Canadian programs”) as well as two separate files on the other topics Théberge mentioned.

All of this after the Commission was ordered, not asked, by federal cabinet in November 2023 to get the job done of implementing a new regulatory framework under Bill C-11 in two years.

***

This coming weekend February 6th-7th in Toronto the cultural nationalists and fellow travellers get together at Digital Media at the Crossroads. This is not to plug the panel I’m on; in fact there’s something for everyone and two of the boxes I’ve ticked on my dance card are the Nordicity report (Friday 2:15 PM) on the state of Canadian media and Globe & Mail reporters Angela Murphy and Mark Rendell speaking about news coverage of US/Canada relations (Saturday 10 AM).

And on Wednesday February 11th the Coalition for the Diversity of Cultural Expressions is holding a one day event in Ottawa to discuss the impact of AI on cultural production, a lead in to the federal government’s invitation-only policy summit, March 16th-17th in Banff.

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2026.

Why the Online Streaming Act is Crucial for Canada’s Cultural Sovereignty

A Guest MediaPolicy column from Peter S. Grant

January 21, 2026

If you intend to become a student of Canadian broadcasting, the first name you learn is that of Toronto lawyer Peter S. Grant, a son of Kapuskasing, Ontario.

That’s not because he’s the most important figure in Canada’s history of broadcasting, but he may have been the most influential over the last fifty-five years at the CRTC, in private practice, and in public policy. The bio on his website doesn’t really cover it: but his autobiography Changing Channels is like a travel guide of unknown stories, pearls of Canadian telecommunications and media history. His totemic Blockbusters and Trade Wars is still the first book you should read if you want to acquire a deep understanding of Canadian media policy, even though it was published 22 years ago. He was central to the writing of the 2020 Yale Report that provided the blueprint for the Online Streaming Act.

Peter’s the ultimate Canadian cultural nationalist. I’m hearing that’s back in vogue.

Peter’s retired now. He keeps a curated page of legal and policy essays on his website and this timely new piece is the latest addition.

***

Why the Online Streaming Act is Crucial for Canada’s Cultural Sovereignty

by Peter S. Grant

One of Donald Trump’s targets in his war against Canada is the Online Streaming Act.  This Act was enacted less than three years ago.   And in a recent opinion piece in the Globe and Mail, Peter Menzies has argued that Canada should be prepared to give up the Online Streaming Act in U.S. trade talks to satisfy Trump. 

Which raises the obvious question.  What does the Act do?   Is it important to keep it in place?

What Does the Online Streaming Act Do? 

Prior to 2023, online undertakings in Canada were governed by an Exemption Order for Digital Media Broadcasting Undertakings, which had been issued by the CRTC in various forms since 1999.  In some versions, internet services were referred to as “New Media”.   In 2011, the Commission did a fact-finding inquiry into what were then called “Over-the-Top” programming services.  But it concluded in October 2011 that these services had not reached a stage where regulation was required.   

However, this all changed with the enactment of the Online Streaming Act on April 27, 2023.  That statute amended the existing Broadcasting Act, to implement recommendations of the Broadcasting and Telecommunications Legislative Review Panel.  Its report in January 2000 was entitled “Canada’s Communications Future: Time to Act”. 

Among its recommendations was for the CRTC to create a registration regime for foreign online undertakings and to ensure that all media content undertakings that benefit from the sector contribute to it in an equitable manner.  The Online Streaming Act implemented these recommendations and added section 3(1)(f.1) to the Broadcasting Act, which reads as follows:

Each foreign online undertaking shall make the greatest practicable use of Canadian creative and other human resources, and shall contribute in an equitable manner to strongly support the creation, production and presentation of Canadian programming, taking into account the linguistic duality of the market they serve.

How the CRTC Is Implementing the Online Streaming Act. 

The CRTC began the process of implementing the Act on September 29, 2023, when it issued Registration Regulations requiring all online streaming services operating in Canada with $10 million or more in annual broadcasting revenue to register by November 28, 2023.

Then, on June 4, 2024, the CRTC issued Broadcasting Regulatory Policy CRTC 2024-121, announcing a policy to require online streaming services that make $25 million or more in annual contributions revenues and that are not affiliated with a Canadian broadcaster to contribute 5% of those revenues to certain Canadian programming funds. The condition was expected to take effect in the 2024-2025 broadcast year, which began on 1 September 2024, and that this would provide an estimated $200 million per year in new funding for Canadian programming.

The affected foreign streamers promptly appealed this order to the Federal Court of Appeal, arguing on various grounds that the order was not properly made.  The matter was heard by the court in June 2025 and we are still awaiting the court’s decision.  If the court overturns the CRTC order, the Commission will likely re-issue it in a way that meets the court’s requirements.

Still to come is a CRTC decision requiring online undertakings to make expenditures on Canadian programs as a percentage of their Canadian advertising or subscription revenues.  Last fall, the CRTC issued a decision redefining what qualifies as a Canadian program, so this will apply to any Cancon expenditure requirements.     

Cultural Sovereignty and Canadian Broadcasting in the Past

Canada has had to deal with foreign intrusion into its broadcasting system in the past.  In the early 1970’s, the border U.S. TV stations carried by Canadian cable systems began garnering revenue from Canadian advertisers for their audience in Canada.  The same US programs were carried by Canadian TV broadcasters but their ad revenue was undermined by the US stations. The CRTC responded by requiring Canadian cable systems to substitute the Canadian version of the program for the US version. This meant that all the ad revenue from these programs stayed in Canada.  Since the CRTC required Canadian TV stations to invest at least 30% of their revenue in Canadian content, this strongly supported cultural sovereignty.  Later, the CRTC imposed a requirement on cable systems in Canada to contribute 5% of their subscription revenue to Canadian program funds.  So cable systems also contributed directly to support Canadian content.

In the 1980s, Canada negotiated a free trade agreement with the United States.  The first version of that agreement was the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement in1989.  This was succeeded by the North American Free Trade Agreement or NAFTA in 1994.  And this was succeeded by the Canada United States Mexico Agreement (CUSMA) in 2018.  CUSMA came into force on July 1, 2020.

In all of these agreements, Canada insisted on an exemption for measures that relate to a cultural industry.  The term “cultural industry” includes any person engaged in “the production, distribution, sale, or exhibition of film or video recordings”.  Thus it is clear that an internet platforms like Netflix or YouTube would qualify as a cultural industry simply because they distribute film or video recordings.

The existence of the cultural exemption has not deterred the United States from threatening retaliation whenever a Canadian cultural policy adversely affects a US company.  Over the last 25  years, the US has complained about a number of Canadian cultural policies, including Canada’s ban on US split run magazines targeting Canada, and the CRTC policy on which US channels can be carried by Canadian broadcast distribution undertakings (BDUs).  In all of these matters, however, Canada managed to negotiate a compromise that maintained Canada’s cultural sovereignty.  

How Are Online Undertakings Regulated in Europe?

In Europe, online undertakings are subject to the Audiovisual Media Services Directive, which was last revised in 2018.  Under the Directive, video-on-demand services like Netflix need to ensure that European content has at least a 30% share in their catalogues and they are required to give prominence to European content in their offers.

The Directive also allows Member States to impose financial contributions on online undertakings to the production and rights acquisition of European works. These can be direct investments or levies payable to a fund.  A number of European countries have done so.  For example, in France foreign streaming services must invest at least 20-25% of their French revenues into European (primarily French) production.   And Italy requires that streaming platforms must invest about 16% of their Italian revenues into European and especially Italian content.

The bottom line is that Europe has recognized the impact of foreign platforms on cultural expression and has taken measures to require them to support European production.  

Why Should Canada Focus on Online Undertakings?

 There is a simple reason why the CRTC needs to focus on online undertakings.  In the last ten years, those undertakings have overtaken the conventional Canadian broadcasting system, eroding cable and TV revenues, and dominating viewing in Canada.

A look at the revenues over time tells the story.  The numbers are shown in “Canada’s Network Media Economy: Growth, Concentration and Upheaval, 1984-2023”, published last year by the Global Media & Internet Concentration Project.   By 2018, the total revenues from online media services in Canada were about C$14 billion, matching the revenue of the traditional media services.  However, by 2023, the revenue for traditional media services had declined to C$12 billion, while online media services revenue had increased to C$27 billion.

In 1997, BDU subscriptions to cable and satellite in Canada were around 77% of households.  But by 2025, BDU penetration has declined to only 54% of Canadian households.  Corus, the Canadian owner of the Global TV network, is under financial distress.  

Who were the beneficiaries?   Leading the pack is Netflix, which by 2025 was watched by close to 20 million Canadians.  But following behind are Disney+, YouTube, Paramount, Apple TV and Amazon Prime, each of which has millions of Canadian viewers.   Yes, there are some Canadian online services like Crave and GEM. But they are dwarfed by the foreign-owned services.      

Simply put, the Canadian broadcasting system is now dominated by online undertakings.  If Canada wants to maintain any form of cultural sovereignty, it must address the role of these undertakings in its cultural policies.

Are Foreign Online Undertakings Discriminated Against?

US trade officials have publicly said that Canada’s cultural laws “discriminate against U.S. tech and media firms.”  A House committee has written urging Canada to suspend what it calls the “discriminatory Online Streaming Act”. 

But do CRTC online policies discriminate against foreign firms.  As noted earlier, the Broadcasting Act does single out foreign online undertakings and states that they are to “make the greatest practicable use of Canadian creative and other human resources”.  But the obligation for Canadian broadcast undertakings is even stronger: “to employ and make maximum use, and in no case less than predominant use, of Canadian creative and other resources in the creation, production and presentation of programming…”

In its initial 2024 decision, the CRTC required foreign online streaming services to contribute 5% of those revenues to certain Canadian programming funds. But was this discriminatory?  Not at all.  In Broadcast Regulatory Policy CRTC 2016-436, the Commission had already imposed a 5% financial obligation to support Canadian content on all Canadian on-demand services.    

So the argument that the foreign online firms are discriminated against is simply wrong.

How Foreign Online Undertakings Can Address Their Cancon Requirements

As we await the CRTC decision on what expenditures on Canadian content will be required of the foreign online services, it may be useful to examine how it might be implemented.   If required to make expenditures on Canadian content, an online service would use the required funding to acquire the rights to exhibit the program in Canada.  But it could also use the funding to acquire the rights to exhibit the program in other territories, like the US or Europe.  

In doing so, the cost of the program to the online service will be much higher, since it would be paying extra to the Canadian producer for the foreign rights.  But that higher cost would come out of the global program budget of the online service.   By taking this approach, the online service can effectively lower the net impact of the expenditure requirement on its Canadian operation.  This approach also has the benefit of exposing Canadian content to a wider global audience.

Canadian producers will be up to the challenge.  Canadian programs like Murdoch Mysteries, produced by Shaftesbury Films Inc., are already seen around the world.  In fact, Netflix itself has acquired the right to run episodes of Murdoch Mysteries on its Canadian service.   And there are dozens of other Canadian producers who have generated popular programs.  Foreign online services required to expend money on Canadian content will have many ways to do so.         

Conclusion

Given the foregoing, it is clear that keeping the Online Streaming Act in place will be crucial to Canada’s cultural sovereignty.  Foreign online services already dominate the broadcasting universe in Canada and must be required to contribute to Canadian audiovisual productions that can speak to Canadians in their own voice.  Europe has led the way in imposing local programming requirements on foreign online services.  Canada needs to follow suit.        

Last September, an online random survey of Canadians was conducted by Pollara, commissioned by the Canadian Media Producers Association.   Based on this survey, Pollara concluded that fully 87% of Canadians supported the Online Streaming Act

This is an incredible level of support, but hardly surprising.   In the face of US threats, it is clear that Canadians recognize the importance of cultural sovereignty, including sovereignty over foreign online undertakings.

***

Reprinted by permission

Catching up on MediaPolicy – CUSMA snooker – CRTC copyright ruling appealed – shareholder vote on Netflix v Paramount – the Oscars on YouTube

AI image

December 20, 2025

This week the US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer told US Congress what American stakeholders want from CUSMA trade talks with Mexico and Canada in 2026.

Greer’s report was an opportunity to be performative about US interests. As a member of President Trump’s cabinet, he wasn’t offering a blueprint for trade negotiations or even hinting at what’s the most important to his boss.

Only Donald Trump knows what he really wants. Does he want to run the table and steamroll Canada and Mexico?

Well, imagine a snooker game with a full rack of balls on the felt. What strikes you immediately upon reading Greer’s report is how many meaty issues there are in a long list of industrial sectors.

For those concerned about Trump’s cultural hit list, you would be surprised how brief and perfunctory Greer’s comments were. 

As we’ve known for some time, the US streamers hate our Online Streaming Act. Google and Meta hate our Online News Act. Prime Minister Mark Carney already gave away our digital services tax, the thing the US companies hated the most. 

On the other hand, the American companies canvassed by Greer like the Digital Trade chapter in the CUSMA trade agreement just fine.

As a very permissive set of trade rules, it may be up to Canadian negotiators to carve out of the Digital Trade provisions a wider scope to exercise our sovereign right to set the terms of AI services. 

***

In case you missed it, read my rant about the CRTC’s ruling on copyright and intellectual property in Canadian video content.

Sounds like a snoozer when I describe it that way, but Canadian ownership of CanCon copyright is central to whether the federal government’s Bill C-11 the Online Streaming Act accomplishes what it was meant to do.

My rant was that the CRTC effed it up. The Canadian Media Producers Association appears to agree: it just filed a court appeal against the ruling.

The CMPA’s legal filing, asking the federal court to hear its appeal, argues one of the things I wrote about in the blog post: Bill C-11 was written to ensure that Canadian TV and film producers reap the fruits of their labour, what industry insiders call the “long-term commercial exploitation of intellectual property.”

Mere copyright “in the title” of a show isn’t that, says the CMPA.

In the words of the statute, the Commission is supposed to consider whether Canadian producers enjoy “a right or interest in relation to a program, including copyright, that allows them to control and benefit in a significant and equitable manner from the exploitation of the program.”

That means revenue, in other words a stake in the profit earned by Canadian shows from distribution and other monetization opportunities until the lemon is squeezed dry.

***

This week the board of Warner Brothers Discovery rejected Paramount’s hostile takeover bid. That leaves the winning suitor Netflix as Hollywood Rex for now, but WBD shareholders vote on Netflix’s $82 billion offer in January. 

Paramount isn’t rushing out an improved bid: CEO David Ellison is making the case to WBD shareholders for his all-cash bid, arguably better chances than Netflix of clearing anti-trust hurdles, and the fact that Netflix’s offer for the WBD studio and streaming assets doesn’t include taking WBD’s lagging television assets off the hands of shareholders. 

In the meantime, Donald Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner withdrew from Paramount’s financing consortium. Then business analysts questioned whether Larry Ellison’s money was good: his participation in his son David’s takeover bid is through a revocable trust, subject to change by Ellison senior. (Update, 22/12/25 – Ellison Sr. responds with personal guarantee).

Almost unnoticed in all of this, Pa Ellison is now officially a part-owner of TikTok-USA after the Chinese company ByteDance completed the sale of its American operations to a consortium of US interests, including Ellison.

***

Netflix may be the undisputed king of streaming. But YouTube is the lord of video consumption.

YouTube’s market dominance is a reflection on the growing popularity of short-form video of course. Yet not long ago I posted about YouTube’s plan to go all out into bidding for the rights to big events in premium, long-form video. 

Last week YouTube scooped the exclusive global rights to the Oscar awards, beginning in 2029. That seems like a big deal for boomers raised on Hollywood glamour, although we could remind ourselves that at 20 million viewers, the Oscars trail the Super Bowl (130 million) and Game 7 of the World Series (50 million). 

No word yet on the consequences for Bell Media’s CTV network which has held the Canadian distribution rights for the Oscars since 2003. 

***

There’s a new American opinion poll published by Pew Research which rattled my optimism about the future of news journalism.

According to the poll, young people are more likely than older Americans to trust news influencers, concede a wide definition of who they recognize as a journalist, and are more likely to find it acceptable for journalists to be advocates for a cause and sport their ideological colours brightly.

***

The Washington Post’s newest AI widget (proprietor Jeff Bezos holds a minority interest in the AI app Perplexity) is in Beta. It has a long, long way to go.

A six minute daily podcast features two AI agents summarizing WAPO’s top three stories of the day. You can customize your topics or WAPO’s algorithm will figure you out. 

Other than saving on two journalist salaries, the added value of this AI widget is a mystery. It’s a downmarket product offering from an upmarket news outlet.

Real life podcasters at the NYT Daily, fear not. 

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.

Catching up on MediaPolicy – Québec’s Netflix-Spotify bill is in play – social media ban for teens – hostile bid for Warner Bros and CNN – OpenAI’s Disney video app

AI generated image from OpenAI

December 13, 2025


This week the Québec National Assembly unanimously passed Bill 109, its version of the federal Bill C-11, the Online Streaming Act.

MediaPolicy has been following this file since the CAQ government commissioned a blue-ribbon committee to recommend how to reverse the low availability and consumption of French language content on global streaming platforms. In reverse chronological order, you can update yourself on this story here, here, here and here.

The CAQ bill is a policy response to the federal cabinet’s and the CRTC’s hesitancy to implement the “content discoverability” provisions of the federal bill as written by Parliament.

The political consensus in Québec on regulating audio-visual and audio content to protect culture and language meant that Bill 109 didn’t spark the controversy that the federal Bill C-11 did two years ago.

But the tinder is dry and the sparks will fly. 

The US Trade Representative will add Bill 109 to its list of American grievances over Canada regulating Hollywood streamers and Big Tech, to be tabled in CUSMA negotiations this spring. (When coincidentally the 2026 Québec election might be called).

So too there must inevitably be an impasse between the Mark Carney government and Québec over legislative jurisdiction. Though brief by comparison, Bill 109 is almost a carbon copy of Bill C-11. Until the Supreme Court says otherwise, Ottawa has exclusive jurisdiction over online broadcasting. 

Québec’s culture minister Mathieu Lacombe has been pretending there’s nothing jurisdictional to talk about with Ottawa. According to the minister, there’s no conflict, only concurrent federal and provincial powers to do the same thing. Good luck with that. A caveat: he might have a provincial claim to the regulation of home screens on Smart TVs and streaming devices. 

The Québec law is founded on a provincially claimed right to cultural discoveryprops to that boldness. Importantly, all of the bill’s cultural measures are focussed on French language content, not Canadian French language content, so the political framing is more linguistic than cultural.

Mess with this if you dare, Ottawa.

From here, things will move slowly at first.

Québec will establish the minister’s Discoverability Office and begin drafting streamer requirements for French language content.

The CAQ’s Lacombe will find out if the streamers are willing to take up his offer to negotiate bespoke agreements in order to avoid cookie cutter regulations set by the province.

On video streaming, he will no doubt benchmark his regulations or voluntary agreements with streamers against the outcomes reached in France since 2021.

Despite a framework EU law that proposes a 30% catalogue minimum (numbers of shows), the French implementation of that policy focusses instead on production investments in French language content, based on a range of 20% to 25% of a streamer’s national operating revenues. So far, the result has been bigger budgets rather than a proliferation of mid-budget shows.

On other hand Lacombe could just stick with catalogue quotas, as the CRTC is expected to announce its own federal expenditure quotas soon.

As the Québec legislation doesn’t require the cash contributions to Canadian media funds that the streamers hate so much in the federal scheme, a deal with Netflix focussing on French language video catalogues doesn’t seem out of the question.

A deal with Spotify to do something dramatic to increase rock bottom consumption of French language music would be tougher. 

Unless Lacombe’s process moves at lightning speed, CUSMA talks and the Québec election will intervene.

***

If you don’t have school age kids, you might have missed the seismic Big Tech event that just shook Australia: its government has banned social media accounts for children under age 16.

Social media companies are expected to rely on age estimation technology but also photo ID.

The Australian communications minister Anika Wells is the first politician in a liberal democracy to tell social media companies, “time’s up.” Apparently so, even Elon Musk says he will obey the law.

There’s a brief explainer in the New York Times on how harmful social media can be for teens and how we got to the point that Big Tech’s safety half-measures have worn out the patience of legislators. 

Still, a ban. Wow. As our federal justice minister Sean Fraser eyes a revised online harms bill, what would be interesting is an opinion poll on a ban, taken from Canadian parents of tweeners and teenagers, parsed out separately for age and gender of the children. 

***

In last weekend’s post, I speculated that Donald Trump would have some fun with the $87 billion USD Netflix-Warner Brothers merger deal, given his donor ties to the losing bidder, Paramount. 

The next business day after Netflix officially announced its winning bid, and media analysts had their say on the prospects for Netflix obtaining the Trump administration’s anti-trust vetting, Paramount unveiled its Plan B: a $108 billion hostile takeover bid for all of Warner Brothers Discovery properties.

Warner Brothers has a week to respond but Paramount CEO David Ellison has already signalled an improved second bid is ready to go.

Among Paramount’s financial backers are the CEO’s dad and second richest man in the world, Larry Ellison, and various gulf state sovereign wealth funds. Oh, and President Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner.

The Ellison-Gulf-Kushner bid includes Warner Brothers’ television entertainment channels and the cable news network CNN. 

Ellison-the-younger’s Paramount recently bought the CBS news network and appointed the Free Press’ Bari Weiss as CEO. Pa Ellison is also the key investor in the bid to buy TikTok’s US operations. 

***

A significant AI content licensing deal has been struck between the IP-rich Disney and OpenAI, the developers of Chat GPT and the video-creation app Sora. 

The deal will allow Sora subscribers to create videos with Disney’s classic animated film characters. Imagine making a birthday video card for your kids featuring them with their preferred cuddly creature or action hero.

As reported by The New York Times: “Sora users will be able to make videos with more than 200 characters from Disney’s library, including from “Encanto,” “Frozen,” “Moana,” “Toy Story,” “Zootopia,” “Inside Out” and other animated movies. Animated or illustrated versions of Marvel characters like Deadpool, Iron Man and Black Panther will also be available, along with “Star Wars” characters like Darth Vader and Princess Leia.”

Given all of the chatter about AI companies scraping copyrighted content, the Disney-OpenAI deal will set expectations that licensing deals are the way for Big Tech to make peace with content producers, especially the biggest ones. (Oddly the reporting on the deal noted Disney’s $1B USD investment in OpenAI but was mum on the value of licensing payments that Disney can expect).

The Hollywood Reporter has a good analysis of the deal, the gist of which is Disney isn’t going to rest on its IP laurels while other content companies get rich on AI monetization.

More broadly, the slow drip of licensing deals between AI and content companies might, in the news journalism space, begins to look like the years leading up to Australia’s NewsMedia bargaining code and the Canadian Online News Act: AI companies cherry pick the biggest and most popular news outlets for licensing deals while those left behind look to governments for action on content scraping and monetization. 

***

If you would like regular notifications of future posts from MediaPolicy.ca you can follow this site by signing up under the Follow button in the bottom right corner of the home page; 

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.










Catching up on MediaPolicy – Netflix is Rex – Miller is minister – CRTC vets Meta’s news ban

AI image

December 7, 2025

This week’s blockbuster news is that Netflix edged out Paramount to buy Warner Brothers for $82 USD billion. The deal immediately depleted the supply of adjectives at the disposal of media analysts. 

If the deal closes as scheduled in late 2026, Netflix buys up the world’s biggest movie archive and keeps it out of the hands of a major rival with the second biggest (Netflix is number three).

Netflix is paying a heavy price tag and arguably overpaid (you know who pays for inflated merger valuations, it’s subscribers and workers). Netflix goes from its status as the streaming industry’s 900-pound gorilla to, I dunno, T-Rex stature?

The public commentary on the deal is mostly doomsaying. 

It speeds up the chiselling of the tombstone for the theatrical release industry.

In a press release, Netflix CEO Ted Sarandos said shareholder value would flow from adding HBO and the full Warner Brothers archive to the Netflix “best in class streaming service:” his pro forma commitment to theatre release was relegated to a subordinate sentence clause.

But if the merciless dispatch of theatrical-release seems inevitable, and just the law of the marketplace jungle, what is of long term concern is the anti-competitive effect on the pipeline of big-budget premium video entertainment. The Globe & Mail’s Barry Hertz has a good analysis here.

The Netflix deal is a prime candidate for anti-trust review by the Trump administration (especially as Netflix outbid Friend-of-Trump Paramount). 

That review could go in any direction but things to watch for include (a) Trump reviving his threat to levy tariffs on foreign movies and the offshore shooting of Hollywood blockbusters, and/or (b) using the anti-trust hammer to get something that he personally wants, which could be commitments to US-based production or some vanity trophy we can’t imagine right now.

It’s not that Sarandos can’t see that coming. In his press release he said the acquisition would allow Netflix to expand its US based production, a gimme that doesn’t commit him to a rate of new releases equal to “Netflix plus Warner Brothers” but only “Netflix plus a dollar.”

Any Trump-driven re-shoring of studio production could hurt the two offshore leaders of Hollywood production, the UK and Canada (and hurt Hollywood too, but that’s a longer discussion).

Beyond that, the effect on Canadian-owned broadcasting could be massive. Netflix is buying Warner Brothers’ Home Box Office streaming service and catalogue which may or may not be integrated into the Netflix platform, once subscription pricing is figured out. The press release suggests HBO content will be on the Netflix platform, at least in the US. 

Here in Canada, there is no HBO streaming service and Bell Media holds the exclusive license to distribute HBO on the only Canadian streaming service of consequence, Crave TV.

You would have to question whether Netflix has any interest in continuing that Canadian licensing arrangement when it expires and, in fact, Netflix has an excellent opportunity to severely wound its only Canadian-owned competitor.

Without that profitable HBO content, Bell’s ability to keep funding Canadian content takes a big hit. 

***

Canada has a new Heritage minister, Marc Miller.

That’s the fallout from Steven Guilbeault’s cabinet resignation over Prime Minister Mark Carney scrapping the Trudeau/Guilbeault policies on oil production, emissions, pipelines, oil tankers and clean energy regulations.

Miller continues a long tradition of the Liberals appointing an MP from the island of Montréal to the Heritage portfolio.

But of course Miller is the first anglophone the Libs have picked for that job since Hamilton’s Shiela Copps —-who was born ready to butt heads with the US on cultural sovereignty. She did the job from 1996 to 2003 under Prime Minister Jean Chrétien. 

The feisty Miller is prone to speaking with candour, as a rule. That’s already got him into a spat with CAQ premier François Legault who didn’t like Miller insisting on making a distinction between “the decline” and “fragility” of the French language in Canada and Québec. The Bloc dutifully piled on.

Guilbeault was the federal champion of Canadian and French language content in Québec and as the new Heritage minister no less will be expected of Miller. His life will get very interesting in about six months when CUSMA negotiations begin.

Will Miller become the political reincarnation of Shiela Copps? It’s up to Mark Carney, just as it was up to Jean Chrétien.

***

It looks like the CRTC’s investigation into whether Meta is selectively enforcing its made-in-Canada ban on news content has come an end. The CRTC’s brief discharge letter to Meta was published last week.

You can still find news items on Facebook and Instagram in Canada, despite Meta’s avowal that it banned news to take itself outside of the scope of the compulsory licensing of “news content” in the Online News Act.

Meta must have satisfied the Commission staff that it is sticking to its ban by taking down news items posted by Canadian users and by deleting user screenshots of articles. If you want to know how the Commission reached its conclusion, you won’t find it in the letter. 

What remains unresolved, or perhaps resolved only to the Commission’s private satisfaction, is Meta permitting posts from news outlets like Narcity and The Peak who successfully applied to Meta for what they describe as “exemptions” from the news content ban.

Without more transparency, one can only guess if Meta’s exemption of hand picked news outlets violates the statutory prohibition against digital platforms discriminating for or against selected news outlets. 

In the case of Narcity, its publisher claimed that Meta granted an exemption because Narcity was refused certification for federal journalism labour tax credits on the grounds that it doesn’t publish enough original news on current affairs. 

But certification for federal subsidies program doesn’t mean that a news outlet isn’t producing some news content, or pieces of news content, as defined by the Online News Act, which Meta says its banning to avoid paying for it. 

The Peak also recently announced that Meta gave it “an exemption” and I invite you to have a look at the news articles it’s allowed to post on Facebook and Instagram.

If you go looking, keep in mind that the “news content” that Meta is supposed to be banning in order to escape the gravitational pull of the Act includes “any portion” of news content. 

The Commission’s original inquiry into the news ban appears to have been its own idea, so the fact that it hasn’t published its reasons at any length is not a total surprise. No Canadian news organization has filed a complaint. 

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.

What did the CRTC just do to CanCon?

November 22, 2025

Earlier this week the CRTC released a major ruling on Canadian content. MediaPolicy provided a quick bottom line reaction but you could do just as well with any of the many media reports.

More depth of analysis is called for but I’m going to do that over two posts.

Today I was going to go on a rant. But I will save that for the next post, because I think those interested in policy supporting Canadian television drama often find themselves in a situation not unlike a novice driver raising the hood of a car engine to gape at a maze of parts. An explainer might help, so here goes, with the opinionating to follow.

The important thing to get about the CanCon engine is that the interconnected parts include Canadian broadcasters, government agencies, Hollywood streamers and independent Canadian filmmakers who collectively follow CRTC regulations that put Canadian television dramas on a screen to be enjoyed by a Canadian audience whose dollars rarely cover the costs of those shows.

As a general rule CanCon is unprofitable in our modestly populated country. If we had a population of 340 million, we wouldn’t need a CanCon policy.

That’s why as a matter of Canadian cultural policy we offer production subsidies bankrolled by Canadian cable companies as well as federal and provincial governments. It’s the feds and the provinces that put up most of the money. 

At the heart of the CanCon engine are the “independent” Canadian TV and filmmakers—by law, independently-owned at arms length from Canadian broadcasters— who make Canadian drama and comedy and sell it to broadcasters and, coming soon, to Hollywood streamers too. 

As a matter of Canadian cultural policy it’s the Canadian producers, and only them, who get the subsidies that make up half of filming budgets (though eligible for these subsidies, the broadcasters rarely make their own dramas in-house). Federal policy aptly describes the independents as the vital cog in the broadcasting machine.

Living hand to mouth in relative anonymity, these modestly capitalized enterprises have been the creative force behind CanCon for decades, at least as important as the big broadcasters whom the public knows better. As far as television drama is concerned, the broadcasting engine runs on the content the independents make. 

Until now, we haven’t had a Hollywood-style system for making Canadian television dramas. No wannabe studio giants here. The Canadian independents are many and mostly small, moving from project to project, slowly building a sustainable business, locked into frenemy relationships with the Canadian broadcasters who buy their stuff.

But those Canadian broadcasters, big and small, are on their way down, if not out (watch this space). 

Netflix and the streamers are increasingly on top. The federal Liberals’ Online Streaming Act, Bill C-11, was the engine overhaul necessary if the ascendant streamers are to be recruited to finance and distribute Canadian drama, filling the growing void for that programming that results from Canadian broadcasters steadily losing cable subscribers and advertising revenue.

The streamers are not willing conscripts to the cause. Just ask them. They despise the mandatory cash contributions to Canadian media funds that subsidize television dramas and local news.

But making their own Canadian content might be something the streamers could live with. This recent CRTC ruling was about setting the conditions for that.

From their point of view, the streamers would like total freedom of action to make Canadian content on their own terms. Those terms include hiring the creative talent they want and dictating commercial terms to the independent Canadian production houses they engage to make the content. The CRTC is trying to bend to the streamers’ desires without the regulatory engine seizing up.

On hiring the top creative talent that drive a production, the CRTC has long sponsored the famous ten-point headcount that certifies dramas as CanCon, a certification that the broadcasters need in order to meet the CRTC’s quotas for CanCon spending. 

Until this week, that headcount system was straightforward enough. The idea is that in the long run Canadian talent will make Canadian content, without a need for a state-arbitrated test of “what is Canadian.”

The ten points recognize up to eight talent roles: Director (2 points), Screenwriter (2 points), first and second lead actors, cinematographer, art director, music composer and picture editor. 

If a production house hires enough Canadians to rack up at least six points, the CRTC certifies their program. In addition to the six-point talent, the CRTC requires the producer —the quarterback of the entire production who does the hiring and approves the scripts— to be a Canadian and demonstrably in charge of the creative team without interference from investors. As well, 75% of the set production and post-production payroll must be paid to Canadian workers.

There are equally compelling cultural arguments to leave this system alone, or to change it up. Last week, the CRTC changed it up, although much of it might seem mundane at first glance. 

There’s a new category of Showrunner (2 points), a recognition of the Hollywood practice of a putting a hybrid writer/producer in charge of a production. The screenwriter’s guild ain’t thrilled, but the CRTC is just adapting to reality. 

There’s an ecumenical nod towards giving points for hiring a Canadian behind-the-screen team of hair, make-up and costume designers. Collectively, a Canadian team can earn one point.

Ditto, the CRTC is now adding the special effects director to its approved list. 

In a move towards critics who believe that certification of Canadian content ought to be less about the nationality of talent and more about the Canadian narrative, look and feel of the story, the Commission is giving points for visibly Canadian locales, landscapes, and characters.

It’s also giving credit for dramas based on Canadian novels as well as soundtracks featuring a majority of previously recorded Canadian songs.

All of this Canadianography earns “bonus” points, shorthand for saying that a more effusively Canadian drama can be certified as CanCon with less Canadian talent.

This was an unexpected development, as the Commission’s preliminary view published last year was that it wasn’t going to do this. However the Commission cites the feedback from a public opinion poll it commissioned and interprets as supporting a popular desire for more classically Canadian stories. 

With a longer list of roles into which Canadian hires are credited towards CanCon certification, the Commission expanded the 10 point test to as much as a 14 point test, but made it scaleable (smaller productions might combine roles) up or down: so long as 60% of the roles are filled by Canadians, the spirit of the old six out of ten test is met.

But crucially the importance of Canadian directors, writers and actors has been diluted. This will please the Hollywood streamers who can be expected to tell the Canadian independent producers that if they want the commission they will hire more of the streamers’ key Hollywood people. 

There are however more seismic changes afoot and let me draw the connection between those big moves and the incremental amendments to the point system. 

First, the all-powerful producer who pilots the production, approves the script, and hires the six-point creative team might not have to be Canadian after all.

In this newest CRTC ruling, when Netflix commissions a CanCon project and insists upon taking a majority copyright position in the production, which it will do routinely, the lead producer can be an American so long as two of the three junior producers are Canadian. 

That brings us to the second big change: the Canadian ownership of copyright and intellectual property in a drama production.

This is a bit of long winded explanation but stick with me and follow the money.

Until now the Commission has never bothered with any rules regulating ownership of copyright in a production.

In the past the Commission didn’t need to impose Canadian ownership on the control of copyright in a CanCon program because all the financing partners were Canadian: the independent producer selling the show, the broadcaster commissioning the show, the federal and provincial governments providing the first layers of subsidy for the show and the public-private Canada Media Fund providing the second layer.

The Media Fund and Canadian governments that control the CanCon subsidies want to support the capitalization and long term viability of the independents. They insist that the independent producer —not its broadcast partner— must own 100% of the copyright and intellectual property flowing from the production. 

The Media Fund supercharges that by green-lighting its subsidy only if hiring of Canadians on a production is a full ten points out of ten. Since the Media Fund subsidy is crucial to CanCon financing, ten points becomes the norm even if the CRTC and federal subsidies only require six.

But since the CRTC has never been in charge of subsidies and is only concerned with getting Canadian content to broadcasting screens, its thinking was that one Canadian media business is as good as another, be it an independent producer or broadcaster.

Then we decided to regulate the US streamers. Oops, now the CRTC needs a copyright rule.

The new reality is that if the CRTC is going to require the streamers to spend money making CanCon, the streamers are going to want as much control of the return on their investment across Canada and a global audience as they can get. That return comes from domestic release, global release, long term residency in the Netflix library, control of spin-offs and sequels, trademark revenue, etc. 

That means three things are important: copyright, copyright and copyright. 

When Netflix appeared before Parliamentary committees considering Bill C-11, the Online Streaming Act, its Canadian policy director bluntly stated that the amendment Netflix wanted the most was copyright ownership of the CanCon it would be required to commission.

He then disarmingly claimed that the streamer wouldn’t necessarily want majority ownership of every CanCon production it commissioned ——even though it does exactly that when commissioning US shows that are shot in Canada. 

The Commission knew it had to find a balance between Netflix’s commercial interests and the viability of Canadian independents, the standard bearers for cultural production. The question was, where to strike the compromise?

Last week it struck that compromise by offering the streamers one of three options: 100% Canadian ownership of copyright, minority American ownership, and majority American ownership (to a maximum of 80%).

The first bucket of 100% Canadian ownership is status quo, allowing for the tweaks to the six-point rule. 

The minority US ownership bucket means that Netflix can choose a non-Canadian lead producer although technically the Canadian production house retains an equal share of creative control.

The majority US ownership bucket obviously means that Netflix effectively owns the show and the lion’s share of its success. The only price it must pay is to move up from six to eight points (or 80%) on hiring Canadians with the aid of Canadianography points, hairstylists, make up artists, etc.

Chart from Canadian Media Producers Association, circulated to its members

Nevertheless it’s important to mark this mental footnote: the new CRTC copyright rule does not apply to subsidies controlled by Canadian governments and the Canada Media Fund, at least for now. As mentioned above, those rules currently guarantee that the Canadian independent owns the copyright, in fact for 25 years. But the streamers can ignore those federal copyright rules if they forego the subsidies.

What does the CRTC copyright rule mean when it comes to making money on a show? 

“Copyright” is just the price of admission to commercial negotiations over profit sharing that is supposed to match investment to the return on that investment. Still, whomever controls the majority of copyright holds the hammer in negotiations over splitting profits and return on investment, often described as the long term commercial exploitation of intellectual property.

It’s perhaps unknowable how much extra muscle that gives the deep pocketed Netflix than it currently flexes as an equity investor in the occasional CanCon production (for example, CBC/APTN’s North of North). 

But copyright is an undeniably important part of leverage in commercial negotiation, which is why Netflix tried so hard but unsuccessfully to persuade Parliamentarians to guarantee streamer copyright interests in Bill C-11. 

Conversely, the Canadian independents wanted Parliament to guarantee full Canadian ownership. The final text of the bill genuflected support for the independents’ interests, but provided no guarantees, handing the difficult task of balancing interests to the CRTC.

Now that the CRTC has opened the door to the streamers’ majority ownership of copyright —expect them to rush through it at pace— the question is whether the CRTC will allow Netflix and Hollywood to dictate commercial terms to Canadian independents, treating them in effect as employees on wages set by the studios. 

The Commission is hardly unaware of the problem, addressing it in this crucial paragraph:

The Commission adopts the following guiding principles in negotiations among production partners: 

Fair compensation and exploitation: Ensure that remuneration, rights, and revenues are allocated in a way that fairly reflects the financial and human contributions to the production, while ensuring Canadian producers retain significant, equitable control and benefit from long-term exploitation. 

Good-faith negotiation: Production partners negotiate in good faith.

The Commission may assess the effectiveness of these non-binding principles in the future. (emphasis added).

In other words, Netflix be nice.

More on this in a further post.

***

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I can be reached by e-mail at howard.law@bell.net.

This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.

CRTC shakes up CanCon rules

November 18, 2025

The CRTC has released the first of a hugely consequential two-part ruling on video streaming and television.

The famous “10 point” headcount of key Canadian creative talent that is required before the CRTC will recognize a “Canadian program” as fulfilling a broadcaster’s CanCon budget gets a make-over.

The most significant changes are:

  • The “minimum six points” rule that requires Canadian directors and/or screenwriters and lead actors remains intact. But other key Canadian talent can be displaced for up to half of those six points if the screenplay is based on a Canadian fictional or non-fiction written work; the screenplay features Canadian characters or locations; or the soundtrack features previously recorded Canadian songs.
  • Netflix and the foreign streamers have been cleared to own majority copyright in a Canadian program acquired from a Canadian producer for distribution on their services. The ruling essentially allows streamers to buy that copyright by hiring Canadians in both Director and Screenwriter roles, either worth two points, to reach a minimum of eight instead of six points overall.

The CRTC did not previously have a Canadian copyright rule because it did not regulate non-Canadian broadcasters or streamers until now.

Nevertheless the CRTC’s new copyright rule is significant because it leaves a gap between CRTC policy governing a streamer’s CanCon expenditures and, on the other hand, federal government and media fund rules that gate keep supplemental subsidies for making CanCon.

Those subsidy rules, administered by Heritage Canada and the Canada Media Fund, maintain 100% Canadian copyright to support long-term economic opportunity for independent Canadian producers who typically make Canadian programs and sell them to broadcasters and streamers.

The Commission has stated that it expects the streamers to treat Canadian producers fairly when negotiating the economic opportunity flowing from shared copyright but has not stated if or how it will enforce that.

The second part of the Commission’s ruling, to be released “in the near future,” will “focus on the funding and support for Canadian programming, including funding for news and at-risk programming.”

That’s a reference to overall “Canadian programming expenditures” expected of the streamers, in addition to the 5% cash contributions already levied in favour of independent Canadian Media funds, as well as potential funding for public service media and local news.

More to come.

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.

Catching Up on MediaPolicy – The BBC lies the truth – Australia dips its toes into C-11 waters – Cohere fails to stop AI lawsuit

November 15, 2025

“I lie the truth,” American film director Oliver Stone once said of his controversial 1991 epic “JFK,” packed as it was with apocrypha and might-have-been speculation.

So did the BBC in its 2024 documentary on America’s insurrection day, January 6th, 2021, “Trump: A Second Chance?”

By now, most have heard about the BBC’s splicing of video clips that juxtaposed Donald Trump urging the crowd to march on the US Capitol with his later suggestion that they “fight like hell” against the Congressional confirmation of Joe Biden’s election victory. He made the “fight” comment 20 times during the speech, but the two comments in the edited clip were spoken 50 minutes apart. 

Omitted in the report was Trump’s suggestion they protest peacefully.

Also omitted was Trump telling the crowd that his Vice President Mike Pence must be stopped from certifying the election results, “We’re just not going to let that happen.”

As the crowd became a mob and surged violently into the Capitol building, some avowing to find Pence and murder him before he could certify, the outgoing President held back for two hours before making a public request to end the violent occupation.

The BBC rightly apologized to Trump for the video editing —-after a leaked document and public pressure made it impossible to do otherwise. The Beeb qualified its mea culpa by suggesting the President had not made a “direct call for violent action.” 

The broadcaster denied defamation but Trump is filing a lawsuit.

It didn’t take long for Canadian commentators to apply the moral of the story to our own public broadcaster, the CBC. 

The Hub’s Full Press podcast offers an intelligent review

Globe & Mail columnist Konrad Yakabuski did the same, writing about recent events in which CBC management’s handling of an ugly anti-Semitic on-air report from a Radio-Canada foreign correspondent remains in blow-over mode.

The fates of the suspended reporter and the unsuspended news host who ignored the remarks are still unclear.

CBC President Marie-Philippe Bouchard told a Parliamentary committee that the public broadcaster’s response ends at its full and immediate public apology, not an investigation into how deep such anti-Semitic views do or don’t run in the newsroom.

Best guess: the spotlight will return to this issue when the CBC Ombud makes a report. 

In the interest of equal time, let’s chalk another stroke on the wall to mark Opposition Leader Pierre Poilievre’s most recent swipe at the CBC when asked a question he would rather not answer (“aren’t you with the CBC?”). If we’re going to hold the CBC responsible for its public reputation, we should hold everyone accountable. 

***

For and CBC doubters and defunders, here’s an insightful and engaging Front Burner podcast featuring the public broadcaster’s three on-the-ground Washington correspondents, Canadians explaining to Canadians what Americans are doing to Canadians.

That’s what you lose without a CBC.

***

There’s a lot of media policy cooking in Australia lately.

A report in The Guardian says that the Labor government is going to move forward with incentives —-i.e. monetary penalties—- to lever Meta into reinstating news content on Facebook and Instagram and return to the bargaining table with news publishers to reinstate mandatory news licensing payments, regardless of Meta’s news ban. 

The idea is to set the fine for Meta’s non-compliance at a level just above the dollar value of its expired agreements with news publishers, something that The Guardian cites as 1.5% of Meta’s annual Australian revenues. The Labor legislation is targeted for 2026. 

If the Australians are baring more teeth than Canada has on our own Meta news ban, they are showing a little less on their new legislation that parallels Canada’s Netflix bill, the Online Streaming Act.

As MediaPolicy noted last week, the new legislation would set a spending quota for Netflix and the major streamers to make “AustralianCon” at either 10% of their local content budget or else 7.5% of their Australian revenues.

The 10% figure replicates the AuzCon spending that Australian-owned broadcasters obey for television dramas. By comparison, Canada requires our major domestic broadcasters spend 30% of revenues on Canadian content, including a 5% envelope for drama. 

Another interesting piece of Australian context is that the streamers’ voluntary spending on AuzCon is over $200 million annually, slightly in excess of the Labor government’s estimates of mandatory spending under the new bill.

A government backgrounder keeps reiterating that the mandatory spending it has in mind would be a “guaranteed” spending. The concern is that Netflix and other global streamers might scale back their Australian spending in response to Hollywood’s contraction of content spending.

As an unregulated English-language market, Australia would be a logical place to start cutting. Better to lock in current levels of streamer spending.

Meanwhile, CRTC watchers in Canada will be interested to learn that the Commission is releasing its ruling on video streaming this coming week.

The decision may order Netflix and the foreign streamers to spend more on Canadian programming. It may also change regulatory rules for Canadian broadcasters who have asked for fewer CanCon responsibilities.

New obligations for the streamers will be closely tied into what the CRTC has to say about the ownership of copyright and intellectual property in Canadian dramas that the streamers will have to buy to fulfill a quota for local content.

The Commission must decide whether to mirror federal rules for CanCon financing that make the payment of crucial television subsidies conditional upon a Canadian producer owning the long term copyright in a show.

The global streamers want the option to demand Canadian producers sell them the copyright if the streamers are going to be compelled by the Commission to spend on CanCon.

Another wild card in the deck is the yet to be released ruling from the Federal Court of Appeal on the Commission’s June 2024 down payment of regulatory obligations for the streamers.

Heard by the court in June 2025, the appellant video and audio streamers are challenging the CRTC’s assessment of an annual cash contribution of $200 million to various media funds that channel the money to the financing of Canadian programming and music.

***

There is an update in the Globe & Mail reporting on the US lawsuit against Cohere that alleges the Canadian owned AI company is ripping off copyrighted content, even behind paywalls, from major North American media companies including the Toronto Star.

A New York judge rejected Cohere’s preliminary argument that the plaintiffs’ news reporting is so puréed in the AI summary that there is no “copy” being made. The case will proceed to trial.

In Germany, a lower court ruled in favour of music companies who sued OpenAI on the grounds that its ChatGPT application violated copyright by scraping lyrics content.

***

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This blog post is copyrighted by Howard Law, all rights reserved. 2025.





Catching up on MediaPolicy – Canadian culture first – Spotify the Colossus – the CRTC’s better late than never – The Shapiro Oracle speaks to Will Page

February 1, 2025

The illegal Trump tariffs begin today, heralding trade war.

Last week MediaPolicy posted an editorial of sorts, calling for elected politicians to greet America First with Canada First in trade negotiations over culture. 

A flimsy “cultural exemption” in our free trade deal with the US dates back to 1987. As intended, it offers no more than a speed bump to powerful US media and tech companies determined to dominate Canadian cultural consumption. It needs to be locked down.

How and when that happens in the permanent state of Trump chaos that we’ll endure for the next 1500 days isn’t clear.

Tariffs now, tariffs later,

tariffs done or undone.

How’s the weather in Newfoundland?

***

Spotify is feeling it. 

In this week’s corporate blog post, the Netflix-of-music-streaming stands triumphant.

As the colossus of the audio industry, Spotify is more than twice the size of any of its nearest competitors TenCent, YouTubeMusic, Apple and Amazon, with over 220 million paid subscribers. 

As the proud vanquisher of Napster and the torrent pirates, Spotify reports that every industry metric is looking up. Altogether, audio steamers have a half-billion paid subscribers signed up around the world. Spotify music VP David Kaefer says a billion is the next goal. 

Kaefer also says musician earnings are way up over the last ten years, with the top 10,000 musicians on Spotify —out of 10 million— earn at least $100,000 USD annually. That money is shared with band members and songwriters.

Spotify earnings are 25% of a typical “musician’s” total income, he estimates, adding to income from other streaming services, downloads and live performances. 

The “long tail” of music creators uploading to streaming platforms, to quote music economist Will Page, “is very long and very skinny.”

***

The CRTC is expected to announce in March a public consultation on a policy framework for audio streaming and radio.

On the streaming side, the cash contribution of 5% of Canadian revenues was established by the CRTC last June, so this new consultation will likely focus on other things; the discoverability and prominence of Canadian songs being the logical focus.

The Commission just now put out a request for proposals for a third party research study of the prominence and discoverability of Canadian audio and video content. 

Well, better late than never, no? The results won’t be reported until November and will be unavailable for the policy framework.

In response to a MediaPolicy inquiry, commission staff said the report findings would be available when the commission moves into its third phase of setting tailored regulatory terms and conditions for streamers in 2026.  

***

The recommended podcast for the week is an episode of Bubble Trouble, music economist Will Page’s platform. 

He’s invited media oracle Doug Shapiro onto his show. MediaPolicy often recommends Shapiro’s Substack page, The Mediator. 

If you follow either tech or media news in the most cursory way, you’re going to find this interview about the past, present and future of media as riveting as I did.

If podcasts aren’t your thing, I found a LinkedIn post from Midia Research’s Mark Mulligan who has some out of the box thoughts about how music streaming algorithms that chase listening time above all else will drive away some artists, hardcore fans, and discerning listeners, into the emerging ecosystem of Do-It-Yourself distribution.

***

Here’s an update on my January 1st post about polling conducted by TMU’s The Dais School of Public Policy. 

No thin skins for them, the folks at The Dais acknowledged the point I raised about how its annual survey questions failed to solicit the experiences of Jews and women with online hate. 

The Dais also saw some merit in my observations that their poll questions testing Canadians’ susceptibility to misinformation on the basis of political ideology were torqued towards right-wing conspiracies and misinformation. 

To its credit, The Dais is going to review these issues in preparation for its 2025 survey.

***

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